Turtle Bunbury

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CORKAGH (1650-1960)
Clondalkin, County Dublin, Ireland.



De Grangues



The Corkagh demesne has been in existence, in one guise or another, since at least 1326 when it was listed as part of the Archbishop of Dublin’s manor of Clondalkin.[i] A modest castle existed here in the medieval age followed by a farmhouse constructed in about 1650. During the turbulent seventeenth century both house and lands passed through a series of families such as Mills, Trundell and Browne before they were settled upon the Nottinghams, kinsmen of the prominent Jacobite dynasty of Sarsfield. Following the collapse of the Jacobite army in 1691, Peter Nottingham was exiled and stripped of his lands.

In 1703 Lewis Chaigneau, a French Huguenot émigré, bought 104 acres of the forfeited Nottingham estate at Corkagh, thus setting in motion a deep and long-lasting link between Corkagh and Ireland’s Huguenot community. Chaigneau is also credited with building Corkagh House, incorporating the earlier farmhouse and almost certainly using stones from the medieval castle. During Chaigneau’s day, the gunpowder mills were established at Corkagh by Nicholas Grueber, another French Huguenot, whose family were probably the most influential gunpowder manufacturers in Britain or Ireland at that time.

The gunpowder mills played a central role in Corkagh’s evolution during the eighteenth century, particularly under the ownership of Colonel Philip Chenevix, Grueber’s nephew, who was a senior British Army officer with friends in high places. The Huguenot connection also continued - not just with Chenevix, whose family hailed from Lorraine, but also through General Henry De Grangues, an immensely wealthy army veteran and friend of King George II who briefly lived at Corkagh, as well as the charismatic Desbrisay family who also owned land at Corkagh during this period.

Upon the death of Chenevix’s son and heir, ownership of the gunpowder mills passed to the Arabin family, long-standing comrades and kinsmen of the Chenevix’s, whose origins were likewise rooted in the Wars of Religion that tore France apart in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Despite a litany of accidental explosions and harsh import duties imposed by Britain, the mills continued to operate through into the 1820s.

In November 1750 David Chaigneau, son of Lewis, auctioned the mansion at Corkagh in a Dublin coffee house. The buyer was Thomas Finlay, a banker of Scottish ancestry who had been cutting a dash on Dublin’s City Assembly for some time. Finlay belonged to an intricate network of merchants and bankers operating at the heart of the Irish capital. He was almost certainly helped by his cousin Sir Robert Finlay who owned most of the iron export and mining industries in Sweden at this time. Corkagh was to serve as the Finlay family’s primary base for most of the next two centuries, although they also initially retained a Dublin townhouse beside their bank on Ormond Quay.

Thomas Finlay’s son Colonel John Finlay was a member of the last Irish Parliament but arguably made a greater impact commanding the Dublin militia as they marched south through the Wicklow Mountains to crush the United Irishmen in Wexford during the 1798 Rising. Five years later Colonel Finlay was also closely embroiled with Robert Emmett’s Rising during which his close friend Arthur Wolfe, Lord Kilwarden, was murdered.

The bank of Finlay & Company, which had moved north to Jervis Street at the close of the eighteenth century, ceased operating on the watch of Colonel Finlay’s son Thomas. During his tenure Corkagh was leased out to William Stockley, the operator of a horse bazaar on Dublin’s Baggot Street. Mr Stockley was declared bankrupt in January 1837 but would later serve as Presdient of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons.

In June 1837, the Rev. John William Finlay, eldest son of Thomas, married the daughter of a prominent London brewing family who gave him six children before her premature death. His second wife was one of the Hamiltons of Hamwood, County Meath. The Rev. Finlay was living at Corkagh by 1860 and perhaps earlier. When he died in 1879, the house passed to his only son Colonel Henry Thomas Finlay who led the 5th Battalion of the Royal Dublin Fusiliers to South Africa during the Anglo-Boer War. He appears to have rented the house out at certain points – the celebrated military commander Earl Roberts had designs on taking it, while Baron de Freyne took it for the 1896 hunting season.

The Finlay line came to a sad demise with the death of all three of Colonel H. T. Finlay’s sons in war – Harry in the Anglo-Boer War, Bobby and Guy on the Western Front during the Great War.

My connection to Corkagh stems from their only surviving sibling – a sister called Edith Maud, known as Edie, who married George Colley. I have a very faint recollection of meeting Edie when I was a small boy, shortly before her death in 1975. In our family Edie was known as Baba; she was my grandmother’s mother.

When Edie and her family moved into Corkagh in 1917, she introduced a fascinating new dynasty to the property. Boasting a strong connection to the Duke of Wellington, the Colleys had been in Ireland since the Tudor Age. George Colley’s siblings included Florence (the mother of Elizabeth Bowen), Gertrude (great-grandmother to the actors Ralph and Joseph Fiennes), Constance (one of the first women to become a doctor), Gerald (who was closely involved with the Easter Rising) and Eddie (a land surveyor who went down on the Titanic).

Upon the death of her father in 1936, Edie succeeded to Corkagh. Her husband George Colley had passed away three years earlier. The house in turn passed to their son Dudley, a motor racing devotee, who found some success running the Corkagh Dairies during the 1940s and 1950s. Dudley Colley’s premature demise in 1959 saw the sale of the house, with 248 acres, that his ancestor had purchased over two hundred years earlier. The mansion was felled in 1960 by its new owner, Sir John Galvin. Dublin County Council acquired 468 acres of the Corkagh lands in 1983.

The following history looks at the families who lived at Corkagh between the seventeenth century and the end of the Colley era in 1959.

Turtle Bunbury, November 2016



In October 1641 an uprising by the Catholics population in Ulster led to the massacre of thousands of Protestant settlers. As Ireland plunged into an eleven-year internecine war, Clondalkin was among the villages that fell to the rebels. In January 1642 a troop of horse rode out from Dublin and all but destroyed the village. Six months later Sir William Parsons, Lord Justice of Ireland, advocated the demolition of the nearby castle of Deansrath ‘to ease the town and to help to free the country.’[ii] The Irish Confederate Wars, as this era became known, culminated in a comprehensive victory for Oliver Cromwell and his New Model Army.

At the time of the Confederate Wars, Corkagh appears to have belonged to a Catholic by name of Ralph Mills. He was one of eighty-two men from the Barony of Newcastle and Uppercross who appeared on a list of ‘Papist Proprietors’ published between 1654 and 1656.[iii] This list was part of a Civil Survey of lands forfeited by Catholic and Royalist rebels following Cromwell’s conquest. Their lands were subsequently transferred into Protestant ownership under the terms of the Acts of Settlement passed by Cromwell’s Parliament in 1652.

It is not known how great a role Ralph Mills played in events prior to 1654 but many of those named alongside him were key supporters of the Catholic Confederation, including members of the Sarsfield, Talbot, Eustace and Barnewall families. Some were subsequently restored to their lands by Charles II but it is unknown what became of Mills.


At the time of the Restoration in 1660 the lands at Corkagh were registered to William Trundell, a man whose origins and fate are every bit as puzzling as Ralph Mills. The Dublin historian F. Elrington Ball ranked him as one of the seven ‘principal persons’ connected with the parish of Clondalkin. [iv] Despite this, he is not listed in a record of Adventurers from the period. [v] Nor does his name appear as a Titulado (title-holder) for the Barony of Newcastle and Uppercross in the 1659 census. [vi]

It would be pleasing to prove a connection between him and John Trundell, or Trundle, the London bookseller who co-published the first edition of Shakespeare’s ‘Hamlet’ in 1603.[vii]

In 1666, King Charles II’s brother James, Duke of York (later James II) ‘passed patent’ for the Eustace estates in the Clondalkin and Rathcoole areas, including 41 plantation acres in Corkagh.[viii]


In May 1703 a gentleman named Stephen Browne commissioned the Dublin-based surveyor Peter Duffy to survey his lands at Clondalkin, including a section of Corkagh. [ix] This was almost certainly Stephen Fitzwilliam Browne whose grandfather Thomas Browne, a Catholic Dublin barrister, had snapped up a large chunk of property in the area during the land shake ups of Charles II’s reign. This included the forfeited Eustace estate of Clongowes Wood, or ‘Castle Browne’ as he named it.

The historian F. Elrington Ball notes: ‘A house which stood in that century close to the ruined castle in Clondalkin village, and which bore the date 1714, and a heraldic device with a buck's head as the crest, a displayed eagle as the arms, and "virtus omnia coronat" as the motto, was probably erected by the Browne family, who still owned property in the parish.’ [x]


When the French Huguenot merchant Lewis Chaigneau acquired 104 acres of Corkagh in 1703, it is believed that at least some of this had been forfeited by Captain Peter Nottingham, a former Confederate officer in the Duke of Ormonde's army. Originally from England, the Nottinghams moved to Dublin during the early years of the Anglo-Norman conquest and prospered in the city. Robert Nottingham, a highly influential 'Merchant', was Mayor of Dublin City seven times between 1309 and 1322.

During the 1650s, Peter’s father Limrick (or Lamerick) Nottingham was dispossessed of his lands at Ballyowen Castle in Lucan, presumably for having supported the Confederacy. Ralph Mills of Corkagh was listed alongside him but, unlike Mills, Limrick Nottingham was restored by Charles II. Limrick’s first wife was a sister of Patrick Sarsfield, Earl of Lucan and hero of the Siege of Limerick, as well as of William Sarsfield, the enterprising owner of Lucan Castle. Peter’s mother - Limrick’s second wife - was a sister of a prosperous Dublin vintner, Robert Ussher of Crumlin.

After the failure of James II’s army to defeat William of Orange, the Nottingham family forfeited their lands, including Ballyowen, which passed to Colonel Thomas Bellew, later MP for Mullingar.




In October 1685 Louis XIV, the ‘Sun King’ of France, made probably the most imprudent decision of his long reign when he revoked the Edict of Nantes. This Royal proclamation had been issued eight decades earlier by his grandfather, Henry IV, a champion of religious toleration. The edict had brought an end to the bitter civil wars that had engulfed France during the late sixteenth century by granting France’s Calvinist Protestant (or Huguenot) citizens rights that were almost equal to those of the Roman Catholic majority. The revocation of the edict was catastrophic for the Huguenots; Protestantism was once again declared illegal and the French army began pulling down their churches and schools.

The State-sanctioned persecution resulted in the exodus of at least 210,000 - and perhaps as many as half a million - Huguenots over the next two decades. Many of the refugees were of wealthy stock or highly skilled in working with silk, plate glass, gold and silver, as well as the manufacture of watches and furniture. Still more were to become prominent as wine merchants, sugar refiners, general traders and bankers. A number of Huguenot families fled to Ireland and at least six of these would become closely entwined with Corkagh.

The greatest damage Louis XIV inflicted on himself was the loss of so many Huguenots from his army. By the 1690s, Sébastien Vauban, the foremost French military engineer of his age, estimated that between 18,000 and 21,000 fighting men had left, as well as five or six hundred officers.[xi] Given the fact that Corkagh was to become the site of a major gunpowder mills, it is perhaps not surprising that many of the Huguenots associated with Corkagh were of a strong military bent.


Among those Huguenots who fled from France in the wake of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes was Josias Chaigneau, the Huguenot owner of the ancient La Bellonnière estate that stood midway between Rochefort and St Savinien in the present day Poitou-Charentes region of western France. [xii] Josias is said to have relocated to Youghal on the south coast of Ireland, which, according to the Rev. Samuel Hayman, became a hotbed for military-minded Huguenots following the accession of Prince William of Orange as King of England, Ireland, and Scotland in 1689.[xiii] Meanwhile, the French authorities confiscated the Chaigneau estate in France on the grounds that its owners were religious fugitives, or "religionnaires fugitifs du royaume pour cause de religion".[xiv]


Josias Chaigneau and his first wife Jeanne Jennede had three sons, the eldest of whom was Lewis (or Louis) Chaigneau, the builder of Corkagh House. Lewis and his wife Elizabeth Le Coudre (sometimes called Ducoudre) arrived into Dublin during the 1690s. They were active members of the French Conformist Church, which met in the Lady Chapel at St. Patrick’s Cathedral in Dublin. The chapel was such a hub for Huguenot refugees in those early years that it became known as the ‘French Chapel’. That said, it should be noted that other members of the Chaigneau family were non-conformist and while relations between the two groups were generally good, Lord Galway’s attempt to unite the branches in 1693 was not a success.

Lewis became a successful merchant and property developer in Dublin. In mid-1703, he acquired 104 acres of land at Corkagh, as well as 147 acres at Finnstown near Lucan, both lots having been forfeited by Peter Nottingham. Between 1702 and 1714, Lewis built the south-facing Queen Anne style mansion of Corkagh within the moat of the original castle. The new house, which is thought to have been constructed using material from the fallen castle, included an eight-bay wing and a parapet roof. It also incorporated an earlier farmhouse, constructed in about 1650, where men such as Mills, Trundell and Browne presumably once sat, and which would henceforth be where the household servants attended to cooking and washing.[xv]

Lewis’s enthusiasm for the project may have been tempered by the death of his wife Elizabeth on 18th February 1707, aged 42. She was buried with two of their children in the Huguenot cemetery by St. Patrick’s Cathedral.[xvi] At this time, the nearby house at Newlands was leased by Sir Arthur Cole, later Lord Ranelagh, to Robert Smith, while Ballymount was occupied by John Butler, a son of Sir Theobald ‘Toby’ Butler, Solicitor-General in Ireland to James II. Toby Butler was renowned for guzzling wine on the job until his fellow law lords banned him from drinking in court; ever the legal fiend, he got around the prohibition by soaking chunks of bread in wine and eating them.

By 1711 Lewis had also bought Gowran Castle in County Kilkenny from another Butler, the financially insecure Duke of Ormonde. He then established a number of Huguenot families in the town.[xvii] Whatever his ambitions for Gowran, he would have baulked to have heard a description of the town a century later when it contained ‘about 180 houses – most of them wretched habitations.’[xviii] He was rather more successful with a development at Kennedy’s Lane off Patrick Street in Kilkenny, which remained a Huguenot commercial enclave into the 1760s. [xix]

In 1719 Lewis signed the lease agreement with Nicholas Grueber that led to the construction of the gunpowder mills at Corkagh. These continued to operate throughout the ensuing decades with the lease passing to Grueber’s nephew Colonel Philip Chenevix in the 1740s and then to the Arabin family. It is particularly notable that Lewis's stepbrother John Chaigneau – a son by Josias’s second wife, Miss Castin – was father to another John Chaigneau, Treasurer of the Ordnance, and to Colonel William Chaigneau, an Army Agent. Both men would have had a strong interest in the manufacture and acquisition of gunpowder.[xx] Lewis’s daughter Elizabeth (1694-1772) was also married to an army man, Colonel David Renouard (1678-1727).[xxi]


Lewis Chaigneau died in 1723 and was succeeded at Corkagh by his only son, David.[xxii] Together with John Falkiner of Nangor Castle, David served ‘frequently’ as a churchwarden of Clondalkin parish.[xxiii] He also sat for Gowran in the Irish Parliament, served as High Sheriff of Dublin in 1717 – the year Nicholas Grueber secured parliamentary support for his gunpowder mills - and remained one of the most influential members of Dublin Corporation throughout the 1730s and 1740s. His wife Elizabeth Maquarell was the daughter of a Monsieur Maquarell and provided him with three sons and four daughters.

On 24th April 1743 David Chaigneau signed a deed of lease and release by which six acres of Corkagh, named as Killmateed [sic] Park, Rainbow Park and the Potatoe [sic] Garden were leased to Captain Théophilus Desbrisay who, like the aforementioned William Chaigneau, was a Dublin-based army agent.[xxiv] There is no mention of the powder mills in this deed but it does name the occupier (or current tenant) of the land as Philip Chenevix, who lived at the mills at this time. Was he to henceforth pay his rents on the six acres to Captain Desbrisay? It is not clear but the same deed refers to an earlier transaction suggesting that David Chaigneau had inherited his title to the land from his late father who had in turn leased the land to the late Nicholas Greuber, deceased.[xxv] The witnesses to this deed were Charles Meares, a prominent Dublin attorney or notary public, and John Brock, a carpenter. The latter was quite possibly just hauled in because he happened to be conveniently located at the time.[xxvi]

Mr. Meares was also on hand to witness the ‘memorial’ when the relevant extract of the deed was written into the records of the Registry of Deeds two days later. Sometimes it took years before such deeds were registered but Captain Desbrisay clearly wasted no time in making sure his ownership was registered.[xxvii] The Deputy Registrar at the Registry of Deeds who oversaw the process of making the memorial was Bartholomew Delandre, another French émigré.

On 13th January 1746, the Dublin Journal announced: ‘To be let, the lands at Corkagh, within four Miles and a half of Dublin, containing 120 Acres, Arable, Pasture and Meadow, with a good Farm House and Out Offices. Enquire at James Digges La Touche, merchant on the Bachelor’s Walk, or of Mr. Thomas Hazard at the Barrack Office, or at the Place itself.’

As well as being of Huguenot stock, Messrs. La Touche and Hazard (or Hassard) were both sons-in-law of David Chaigneau, having married his daughters Elizabeth and Henrietta respectively. Both marriages took place in Clondalkin Church and were conducted by John Hoadly, Archbishop of Dublin, who lived in Tallaght. [xxviii] The marriage of Elizabeth Chaigneau and 26-year-old James Digges La Touche in 1735 resulted in just one daughter before Elizabeth’s untimely demise. In 1743 La Touche was married secondly to Martha Thwaites, heiress of a wealthy silk merchant, with whom he had five sons. In 1746 James inherited a substantial silk, cambric and poplin business from his own father. He also built up a remarkable art collection by the time of his death in 1763, including two van Dycks, two Rembrandts, two Teniers, a Morillo and a Canaletto.[xxix]

In October 1747 David Chaigneau commissioned Roger Kendrick, Surveyor to Dublin City, to produce a new map of Corkagh.[xxx] The map may have been required because Chaigneau was planning to put Corkagh on the market or perhaps the sale that now loomed was connected to the death of his wife Elizabeth who was buried in Youghal on 8th May 1749.[xxxi] Sure enough, in what is one of the most useful documents pertaining to Corkagh’s eighteenth century history, an advertisement appeared in the Dublin Journal two months after Elizabeth’s death.

DUBLIN JOURNAL, 4 July 1749.

To be sold, the House and Lands of Corkagh, distant four miles from the City of Dublin, on the North-side of the Turnpike Road leading from Dublin to Rathcoole, containing the following Particulars:-


Tenant Name

No. of Acres



* Lease of Lives renewable for ever, 7l. 10s. to be paid in Renewal of every Life, and 6 pounds of Battle Powder duty every year.

The Mansion House and Gardens, with several little Parks Meadows

The Hon. Major Gen. Henry DE. GRANGUES



The Farm-house & Farm

Mr. Hildbrand SMITH



The Powder Mills *

Colonel Philip CHENEVIX



The Powder Mills Farm

Colonel Philip CHENEVIX



Buck and Hound

William CLARK



Flanagan's Farm






Out of which to be paid to the See of Dublin for rent and Chiefry



To Lewis JONES, Esq


Proposals in writing sealed up will be received before the 1st day of May next, by Mr. Redmond KANE, Attorney, at his house in Stafford Street; who has a Power to treat with a Purchaser, and receive Proposals for the same.


Redmond Kane, the attorney mentioned in the sale, was a brother-in-law of the Clondalkin merchant Thomas Hassard who had married one of the Chaigneau daughters. It might also be noted that Redmond Kane’s sole heiress Katherine Kane was my ancestress and married William Bunbury of Lisnavagh, County Carlow. It was the Kane fortune that largely funded the construction of present-day Lisnavagh House.

Kane’s offices were on Stafford Street on Dublin’s north-side. One of his subsequent neighbours was a coach-maker called Peter Tone. His father, whose ancestors were French, was a tenant on the Wolfe family estate outside Clane, County Kildare. When Peter’s wife gave birth to a son at Stafford Street in 1763, they named the boy Wolfe after their landlord Theobald Wolfe, who may even have been the boy’s real father. Stafford Street is now called Wolfe Tone Street in memory of the boy who grew up to be one of Ireland’s most famous revolutionary icons.

Arthur Wolfe, Lord Kilwarden, who lived in Newlands House beside Corkagh, was a member of this family. As the Chief Justice of Ireland, he was fated to be murdered during the Robert Emmet Rising of 1803.


Corkagh did not find a buyer straight away because the same advertisement appeared in the Dublin Journal on 24th March 1750. However, a new era was set to commence when the mansion, farm house, demesne lands and various other parts of the property were publicly auctioned at Dick’s Coffee House in Skinner Row, Dublin, between 11am and midday on Wednesday 28th November 1750. The particulars of the sale noted that the 130 or so acres fetched an annual rent of about £150, and that another 25 acres were also up for grabs. The mansion house and its furniture were still on lease to General de Grangues, the powder mils were still with Colonel Chenevix and the Buck and Hounds with William Clarke, but Hildebrand Smith was no longer in the farm-house. Redmond Kane held the Title Deeds at his office on Stafford Street and ultimately the man he handed those deeds to was Thomas Finlay, to whom we shall return.

David Chaigneau died in Youghal on 21 January 1753. He was laid to rest in the South Transept of St. Mary’s Church, Youghal, alongside his late wife Elizabeth. Their tombstone appears to be on the floor just inside the entrance but on account of so many footsteps treading upon the stone over the centuries, the inscription is now almost impossible to read.[xxxii] None of their sons married although the landscape painter Henry Chaigneau (c. 1780-1792) is sometimes said to descend from this line. One of their sons was the Rev. David Chaigneau, who died in 1776, was the first secretary of the Dublin Society.[xxxiii] As well as Elizabeth La Touche and Henrietta Hassard, David and Elizabeth’s other daughters were Mary Ann, who married Simon Green of Youghal, and /or Mr Pratt; and Charlotte, who died unmarried. [xxxiv]





In 2004, I was lucky enough to stand on the American Civil War battlefield of Chattanooga, Tennessee, where I learned that the main reason why the North defeated the South was because the North’s guns were more efficient and more accurate. The British Ordnance entrusted with arming William III’s soldiers during the 1690s had learned a similar lesson following their hard-won victories over both Louis XIV and the Jacobites. Whoever has the better armaments will probably come up trumps. A major factor in the context of such weaponry is the quality of one’s gunpowder and, to this end, William III and his successor Queen Anne were blessed with a healthy supply courtesy of a French Huguenot family called Grueber who ran gunpowder mills at Faversham in Kent. Nicholas Grueber of this same family built the mills at Corkagh.

One of the worst events of the French Wars of Religion took place in 1572 when the country’s Catholic populace rose up and murdered thousands of Protestant Huguenots in what became known as the St. Bartholomew's Day Massacre. Lyons, where the Gruebers lived, suffered as badly as any city during the ensuing carnage and the river Rhône was said to have been full of floating corpses, including that of the composer Claude Goudimel. Although peace had been restored by the time of Nicholas Grueber’s birth in Lyons on 3rd September 1671, his childhood was marked by an escalation in Huguenot persecution by the French authorities that culminated with the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685.

Daniel Grueber, father of Nicholas, was taking no chances. In 1683 he emigrated with his wife and seven children to the comparative safety of the London parish of St. Swithin. The family were naturalised in Charles II’s England on 21st November 1682, alongside fifteen other Huguenot refugees including Philip and Madeleine Chenevix whose lives would become further entwined with both the Gruebers and Corkagh over the course of the coming century.[xxxv]

Daniel may already have been skilled in gunpowder manufacture before he left France. By 1684 he was leasing both gunpowder and leather mills along Faversham Creek in Kent, 48 miles east of London. Faversham had been the cradle of Britain's explosives industry since at least the 1570s. Thirty-six barrels of local powder were reputedly acquired by Guy Fawkes and his conspirators in their failed attempt to blow up Westminster in 1605.

As well as Faversham, Daniel had mills at Ospringe and Preston, while he also ran a nifty fleet of barges that carried powder and skins to Faversham and returned with groceries.[xxxvi] He was to the fore during the Glorious Revolution and from July 1690 until his death in mid-1692 he supplied precious gunpowder to the British government’s Board of Ordnance, in partnership with James Tiphaine, another Huguenot refugee. [xxxvii] The start of his partnership with Tiphaine coincided with the death in action of the Duke of Schomberg, the Master General of the Ordnance, at the battle of the Boyne on 1 July 1690. The Duke was something of an icon to the Huguenot families who later became associated with Corkagh.


In the autumn of 1717, William Connolly, Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, must have stirred in his chair as Nicholas Grueber, a 46-year-old French merchant, stepped forward to present his petition. Grueber’s request would ultimately lead to the construction of the first gunpowder mill at Corkagh. It was nearly twenty years since Grueber had first arrived in Ireland - and over three decades since his family fled from his native France. After his father’s death in 1692, Nicholas and his brother Francis took over the business and the Grueber mill evolved into the largest of the five Faversham mills supplying powder to the Ordnance, as well as to the British East India Company. [xxxviii]

In 1699 Nicholas Grueber terminated his partnership with Francis, having moved to Ireland the previous year. It is not known why or when he first went to Ireland but at Michaelmas 1698 he became a Freeman of Dublin under the terms of the 1661 Act of Parliament to encourage Protestants to settle in Ireland.[xxxix] In 1703 he married 21-year-old Marguerite Moore at the French Church on Peter Street, Dublin. Within a few years he had taken a 41-year lease on a house on Ormond Quay where he and Marguerite raised at least six sons and two daughters. [xl] Running along the northside of the River Liffey, the broad quay was constructed in the 1680s. It seems most likely that the Gruebers lived on the east side, known today as Lower Ormond Quay and home to the Morrison Hotel. A civic report from 1709 remarked that ‘the houses of most note where persons of quality do lodge do lie on the east end.’[xli]

At about the time of his marriage, Nicholas received dreadful news from England where the family mill at Faversham had exploded and, as Daniel Defoe put it, ‘shattered the whole town’. Grueber’s thirteen-year-old nephew was the only casualty. Defoe recalled how the youngster ‘was not in the mill, or near it, when it blew up, but in a boat upon the river, rowing cross for his diversion … [he] was kill’d by a piece of the building of the mill, which fell down upon him in the boat.’ [xlii]

Nicholas Grueber’s activities in Ireland in the first decades of the century are presently unknown but he would have paid close heed to the developments in Europe, as well as the rise of John Churchill, the Duke of Marlborough, who orchestrated a series of victories over the French. Phillip Chenevix, Grueber’s brother-in-law, was killed in action during Marlborough’s splendid triumph at Blenheim in 1704. The wars finally culminating with the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 by which France, Spain and Bavaria were compelled to recognise Great Britain's sovereignty over various lands including Gibraltar, Minorca and substantial chunks of Canada. Marlborough was also Master General of the Ordnance and it was in that capacity that he masterminded the establishment of two permanent companies of field artillery in 1716. These two companies, which became the Royal Regiment of Artillery from 1722, were expressly tasked with training troops how to convey artillery pieces to the front line. A new age had come for European warfare and it was all about gunpowder.

Perhaps Grueber was inspired by the formation of Marlborough’s field artillery units. Or perhaps he acted in response to the failed French-backed plot to install James Stuart on the British throne in the Jacobite Rising of 1715. Or maybe he simply saw a gap in the market and went for it. In any case, on 17th September 1717 Grueber presented his petition to the Irish Parliament that met amid the decrepit confines of Chichester House on College Green, Dublin. He informed those gathered that ‘he hath brought into this Kingdom proper Artificers for making Gunpowder’ and that he was now ‘proposing to erect Powder Mills, and to furnish his Majesty's Stores with such Quantities of Powder as shall be requisite.’[xliii] In other words he sought parliamentary support to establish a mills in Ireland that would directly supply gunpowder to the Irish government. Maybe there was a few nervous coughs from the gathered MPs. After all it was only a few generations since an accidental explosion of gunpowder along the Dublin quays in 1597 had demolished forty houses and killed 126 people.

Grueber’s petition was forwarded to a parliamentary committee, which was also urged to consider claims made by the East India Company that such a mill would infringe upon its monopoly on importing saltpetre. The committee found in Grueber’s favour on 7th October 1717, concluding ‘that the erecting [of] proper Mills for furnishing his Majesty’s Stores with Gunpowder is highly necessary for the Defence and Safety of this Kingdom.’ [xliv] The committee recommended that three hundred barrels of ‘Tower Proof’ gunpowder would be required every year to meet the demands of the Army and Ordnance ‘in Time of Peace’. A further one hundred barrels were to be ‘laid up Yearly for 21 years, towards encreasing [sic] his Majesty’s Stores in this Kingdom.’ Grueber was to be paid £8 and fourteen shillings per barrel and, to get him started, they advanced him the cost of four hundred barrels ‘for the first year, and one Moiety [part] for every year after, during a term of 21 Years.’


The committee’s findings made their way to the desk of the new Viceroy, the Duke of Bolton, a man memorably described by Swift as ‘a great booby’. At length the Duke signed the permit granting Grueber a government contract for twenty-one years. Grueber duly began looking for a suitable site on which to establish Dublin’s first large-scale gunpowder manufacturing business.

Grueber would surely already have known his fellow French émigré Lewis Chaigneau whose new mansion at Corkagh stood close to the banks of the River Camac, a tributary of the Liffey upon which Grueber himself lived. He would also have been entirely familiar with David Chaigneau, son and heir of Lewis, who was High Sheriff of Dublin in the year that Nicholas secured parliamentary backing. David Chaigneau would go on to become one of the most influential members of Dublin Corporation.

The full extent of why Corkagh appealed to Grueber is unclear but, rising in the Slade of Saggart, the mountain waters of the Camac were utterly vital. The surrounding landscape must have also boasted plenty of alder and willow to provide charcoal, one of the three key ingredients for gunpowder. However, it is not yet known how Grueber imported the other two imperative ingredients, sulphur and saltpetre, nor how he transported the gunpowder away again. Carting gunpowder was by no means a cheap exercise; the barrels had to be sealed in fireproof leather bags in case any sparks flew up when the iron wheels clattered along the stony roads.[xlv] It seems more likely that he floated the barrels up and down the Camac on custom-made barges akin to those his father had used on the Thames the previous century.

Grueber’s lease commenced on 1st January 1719; Chaigneau was to be paid an annual rent of £15 and six pounds of Battle-powder. [xlvi] The labourers set to work on building the mills and storehouses, as well as damming the Camac at intervals to provide power for the mills. Grueber is also presumed to have ordered the cutting of a mill-race, or artificial channel, to bring in more water from a nearby tributary called the Brittas River.[xlvii]

Just over five years after his lease began, Grueber was back before the Irish Parliament on 30th September 1724, where he informed them, ‘That upon the Encouragement formerly given him by the Government, and by this House, he had erected Powder Mills, and other necessary Buildings, and is now erecting another Mill, and enlarging the Works; and praying Encouragement therein’.[xlviii] By ‘encouragement’, of course, he meant further capital assistance from the government which was an option that English gunpowder producers did not have at this time. Another committee was appointed ‘with Power to send for Persons, Papers, and Records’. Once again it was good news for Grueber as the committee ‘ordered that Leave be given to bring in Heads of a Bill for further Encouragement in the finding and working of Mines and Minerals in this Kingdom.’

The Corkagh mills were certainly producing gunpowder by 1729, if not before, but the records are elusive. It is not yet known whether Grueber’s original mills are represented by any of the four ruins that stand at Kilmatead today, along with two millponds. These may well be from a later period, possibly even from the Arabin era in the early nineteenth century. [xlix]

While most of Grueber’s gunpowder was for the use of the Army, such powder was also playing an increasingly important part in the Industrial Revolution, such as it was in Ireland, by enabling otherwise rocky routes to be blasted clear for the laying of canals and new roads. It may be relevant to note that Nicholas Grueber was Treasurer for the financially struggling Work-House of the City of Dublin in 1736.[l]

In November 1733, the Dublin Evening Post reported that ‘the gunpowder mills near Clondalkin were blown up, by which several persons received much damage.’[li] Grueber rebuilt his mills soon afterwards and made regular deliveries of 300 barrels to the Irish government for the remainder of the 1730s and through into the 1740s. The published Treasury records note a payment as late as 5th July 1743. Indeed, the mills may have been producing even later but the Treasury’s last published calendar ended in 1745.[lii]

Meanwhile, across the Irish Sea, things were going downhill for Nicholas’s brother Francis Grueber who was rescued from bankruptcy in 1728 by businessman Thomas Coram (1668-1751), with whom he subsequently traded as Messrs. Grueber & Coram. Following Francis’s death in 1730, the Grueber connection to the English gunpowder milling industry rapidly dwindled. The Board of Ordnance purchased the Faversham mill outright in 1759 and it became the Royal Powder Mill. [liii]

It is not yet known when Nicholas Grueber died, nor where he was buried. A deed of lease and release pertaining to six acres at Corkagh notes that he was deceased by 24th April 1743. The under-tenant for the powder mills at this time was his nephew Major Philip Chenevix and it is to his family that we now turn.





Metz, October 1686. In the darkness of night, the old man’s body was pulled out of the dunghill, wrapped in linen and carried on the shoulders of four men to a garden where a grave had been dug. As the corpse was lowered, four hundred mourners, chiefly women, sang the 79th psalm, in which ‘the prophet deplores the desolation of Jerusalem’. The deceased was Monsieur Paul Chenevix d’Eply, one of Louis XIV’s councillors at the court of Metz in north-east France. The Rev. John Quick, an English dissenter, recalled him as 'a venerable and ancient gentleman, a person of eminent prudence, illustrious for learning and godliness'.

The eighty-year-old Huguenot had earned the wrath of his Catholic contemporaries by refusing a royal order, presented at his deathbed by the Archbishop of Metz, urging him to renounce his faith and confess his sins. When he died soon afterwards, wrote Quick, the executioner himself was summoned to drag ‘most inhumanely’ Monsieur Chenevix’s dead ‘carcase’ [sic] through the streets upon a hurdle, before burying him in a dunghill.[liv] Hence, his reburial by devotees later that night and his subsequent elevation to the venerable ranks of Huguenot martyrdom.

The Rev. Quick noted that the deceased had a brother, ‘a very reverend minister of the gospel refugeed in this city of London.’ The brother was the Rev. Philippe Chenevix, a Huguenot pastor from Limay, near Mantes, who was born in about 1625. The Chenevix’s were a distinguished family from Lorraine while the pastor’s wife Anne de Boubers hailed from an equally ancient Picardy family and was an aunt of the chevalier Daniel de Boubers-Tuncq, Vicomte de Bernâtre.[lv]

Philippe and Anne had emigrated to England before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, obtaining letters of Naturalization on 21st November 1682 which was notably the same day that the Grueber family were naturalised.[lvi] Also naturalised on that occasion was Philippe’s daughter Madeleine Chenevix, a lady-in-waiting to the Duchess of Buccleuh, wife to the Duke of Monmouth, Charles II’s natural son. [lvii] The Chenevix’s influence presumably went on the slide when Monmouth launched a rebellion against his uncle James II, who had acceded to the British throne in 1685. Among those who played a major role in crushing Monmouth’s Rebellion was Lord Lumley, a Protestant convert, who had been both Master of the Horse and Treasurer to Queen Catherine of Braganza during Charles II’s reign. Lumley is said to have personally captured the young Duke whom he found beardless and unarmed in a ditch by the New Forest. Monmouth was subsequently beheaded while his Duchess was sent to the Tower of London, with Madeleine Chenevix dutifully by her side. Lumley was rewarded with his own regiment of horse but he soon became so disillusioned by James II that he was one of the ‘Immortal Seven’ who invited William of Orange to depose the Stuart monarch and take the British throne. The Chenevix family still had two daughters living in France at this time, having placed them in the protection of Sir William Trumbull, James II’s envoy extraordinary to France.[lviii]


King William's War, as the conflict became known, quickly spilled into Ireland where James II found considerable support amongst a Catholic population still reeling from the Tudor and Cromwellian conquests. Among those serving in the ranks of Lord Lumley’s Horse was Major Philip Chenevix, son of the pastor and brother of Madeleine. His wife Susannah Grueber, who was born in Lyons in 1661, was an older sister of Nicholas Grueber, the Corkagh gunpowder manufacturer. [lix]

Philip served under Lumley at the battle of the Boyne, in which his brother-officer Colonel Robert Byerley rode upon the famous Byerley Turk. He rose through the ranks to become Captain by January 1692, while Lumley’s Horse was likewise promoted to the 7th Regiment of Horse, although it became rather better known as the King’s Carabiniers.[lx]

On 17th November 1693 Phillip married Susannah Grueber in London, ‘with the consent of her mother’.[lxi] Soon afterwards he rejoined Lumley’s Horse on a campaign into the Low Countries that lasted until 1696 by which time they were the only cavalry regiment in King William’s army still in Brabant. With the Peace of Ryswick in 1697, they returned to England and were placed on standby for five years. The following year, on 15th January 1698-9, Phillip ‘Chevenix’, as he signed his name, attended the Parish Church of St. Martin's, Westminster, London, where he ‘received the Sacrament according to the usage of the Church of England’, having been naturalized under the terms of ‘An Act to Naturalize Philip de Chenevix, and others’.[lxii] On hand for the event were the minister Thomas Yates, Artium Magister ("Master of Arts"), and the curate Francis Boteler.

On 3rd December 1700 Philip succeeded Sharrington Devonport to become a Major in ‘Wyndham’s Horse’.[lxiii] This was still the Carabiniers but Lord Lumley had retired and the regiment was now commanded by Colonel Hugh Wyndham, a seasoned veteran who had also served at the Boyne.[lxiv] With the onset of the War of the Spanish Succession, Wyndham’s Horse were ordered to Holland in February 1702. By July they were encamped at Dukenburg, near Nijmegen, from where they spent some time defending the Low Countries against French aggression. [lxv] They took part in Marlborough’s march to Ulm on the Danube and were with General Woods’ Brigade during the assault on the Schellenberg in Bavaria in July 1704.

The following month, under the command of Colonel Francis Palmes, the Carabiniers were in the thick of it during Marlborough’s game-changing victory at Blenheim.[lxvi] However, when the battle was over, Major Chenevix was the most senior of the five Carabinier officers and 86 men killed in the action.[lxvii] It seems likely he was slain during a major skirmish on the banks of the diminutive river Nebel when five squadrons of Wyndham’s Horse charged, sword in hand, at eight squadrons of the elite Gens d’Armes, commanded by General Zurlauben, Tallard’s Swiss-born cavalry commander. They broke Zurlauben’s cavalry and put them to flight in an important psychological triumph for Marlborough’s men but the horsemen should have quit while they were ahead. Instead they giddily carried on towards Blenheim from which sustained musketry fire resulted in many empty saddles including, it is assumed, that of Philip Chenevix. [lxviii]

After his death, his widow Susannah petitioned Queen Anne’s parliament for assistance and received a bounty of £162 (about €15,000 today) for herself and their three small children, Richard, Philip and Paul Daniel Chenevix. [lxix]


Major Chenevix’s eldest son Richard was born in about 1698 and has been succinctly described as ‘a man of real piety and benevolence, an 18th century churchman of the best sort, perhaps not too spiritual, but upright and thoroughly correct.’[lxx] A fluent French speaker, he studied at Cambridge before his appointment as domestic chaplain at Lumley Castle in Durham to the 2nd Earl of Scarborough. His appointment presumably came about because the Earl was the son and heir of his late father’s commander, Lord Lumley. Richard later served as chaplain to Lord Whitworth at the Congress of Cambrai during the 1720s.

In 1728 the enigmatic Earl of Chesterfield was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary to the States General at The Hague. Upon Lord Scarborough’s recommendation, Chesterfield appointed Richard Chenevix his personal chaplain and so began a beautiful friendship. Fascinating times continued when Chesterfield became Viceroy of Ireland in 1745 and Richard journeyed with him as his principal domestic chaplain.

Two months after taking office, Chesterfield nominated Chenevix to the small bishopric of Clonfert in County Galway. However, George II, who did not particularly like Chesterfield, refused to grant his assent until the new Viceroy threatened to resign forcing the King to retract. As it happened, Chenevix was instead bumped up to the new and better paid see of Killaloe before being translated to Waterford, another Huguenot stronghold, which gave him a very handsome revenue of £1400.

A patron of the Irish linen industry, he was considered a philanthropist although he would later assure his granddaughter Melesina that he planned to die ‘scandalously rich’.[lxxi] His wife Dorothea was a sister of Admiral Dyves and a favourite of Queen Caroline but died in 1752. Their only son was the Rev. Philip Chenevix, Chancellor of Lismore, who married Mary Elizabeth, daughter of the Venerable Henry Gervais, Archdeacon of Cashel. Bishop Chenevix died in 1779, having outlived his son Philip and both his daughters. [lxxii]

After Philip’s premature death, the Bishop’s small granddaughter Melesina came to live with him. At the age of nineteen, this only child married Richard Trench of Carrick-on-Shannon, and it is from them that the Chenevix-Trench family descend. Richard and Melesina’s son Richard Chenevix-Trench became Archbishop of Dublin in 1864 and was grandfather to the Irish nationalist Cesca Chenevix-Trench, while another son Francis was a divine of much renown.


The Bishop’s brother Paul Daniel Chenevix was a goldsmith and noted toyman who operated from the Golden Gate, opposite Suffolk Street, Charing Cross, London, from as early as 1731.[lxxiii] The shop was called ‘The Golden Door’, with a sign above its entrance, while his trade card, inscribed in French, stated that he also supplied silverware, or 'Vaiselle d' Argent en tout genre.’ His clients included Frederick, Prince of Wales, Earl Fitzwalter and Lyonel Tollermarche.[lxxiv]

Paul’s second wife Elizabeth Deards was the daughter of another London toyman called William Deards who, along with his wife Mary, was based at the Star on Pall Mall. On Paul’s death in 1742 Elizabeth carried on the business and became renowned as the 'toy-woman a la mode'. Her sister Mrs Paul Bertrand was ‘the no-less noted toy-woman at Bath’.

The Chenevix’s lived in a small five-acre cottage in Twickenham but after Paul’s death, Elizabeth let the house for a year or two to Lord John Sackville (1713-1765), the second son of the Duke of Dorset. Sackville was a notorious cricket-loving rake. He was also the older brother of Lord George Sackville, a fellow-officer of Elizabeth’s brother-in-law Philip Chenevix. In 1747 Horace Walpole purchased the lease from her and converted the site into his famous Gothic residence, Strawberry Hill. Mrs Chenevix died in 1755.[lxxv]


Bishop Chenevix’s brother Philip Chenevix was also apparently born in 1698 so perhaps he and the prelate were twins. If so he was barely a teenager when he was commissioned on 25th June 1711 as a cornet in the Carabiniers, his late father’s regiment. [lxxvi] He may have been with them when the French nearly overran the regiment in a night attack on their camp at Arleux that same year, or when they served in the capture of Bouchain, again in 1711. The latter action effectively ended the long war and, following the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, the Carabiniers returned to garrison duties in Ireland. They were placed on alert during the Jacobite rebellions of 1715 and 1719 but saw no action. The regiment was to remain stationed in Ireland until 1760, a total of forty-seven years. [lxxvii] On 19 June 1722 Phillip was promoted to captain. [lxxviii] He rose through the ranks over the next two decades to become the Carabiniers’ commanding officer.

It is not yet known when Philip first took on the lease of the powder mills at Corkagh. One assumes he inherited the interest upon the death of his uncle Nicholas Grueber, which took place sometime before April 1743. In that month Philip was named on a deed relating to the lease of six acres at Corkagh, comprising of Killmateed Park, Rainbow Park and the Potatoe [sic] Garden. The deed indicated that he had previously leased these lands from David Chaigneau but that this land was now in the ownership of Theophilias Desbrisay, the Army Agent.[lxxix] The deeds do not mention the mills.

Six years later, Colonel Chenevix was named as the lessee of the powder mills at Corkagh in a sale advertisement that appeared in the Dublin Journal in 1749. This advertisement indicated that he was renting the mills, with five acres, for £15 and ‘six pounds of Battle Powder duty every year’, which is precisely what Grueber had agreed to pay Lewis Chaigneau thirty years earlier. Chenevix was also renting the powder mills farm for £23 and it is assumed that he lived there. When General de Grangues died in 1754, he gave his address as the ‘Powder Mills’ in a letter to Lord George Sackville. It is possible that the building where he lived is present-day Kilmatead House.

Perhaps his interest in gunpowder was connected to the resurgence of the Jacobite threat and the War of the Austrian Succession, both of which erupted in the 1740s. However, while sixty men and horses from his regiment were sent to strengthen the army in Europe in 1743 and 1744, the rest of the Carabiniers remained in Ireland during both conflicts and saw no action. It may be relevant that Corkagh became somewhat closer to Dublin during this time; the Grand Canal had reached Clondalkin by the time John Rocque compiled his survey of County Dublin in 1760.

One can see why Colonel Chenevix was keen to take on the mills. The demand for gunpowder was accelerating at an incredibly fast pace, with British consumption alone jumping from 647 tons per year in the Seven Years War (1756–63) to over 1,600 tons by the American Revolutionary War (1775–83). The British conquest of Bengal, following the victory at Plassey in 1757, secured control of seventy per cent of the world’s saltpeter production, which, in turn, enabled the British Empire to establish that incredible domination of the planet. The French certainly blamed their defeat in the Seven Years War on a shortage of saltpeter; this was something they were careful to redress by the time of the Napoleonic Wars.

Like his clerical brother, Philip made a strong impression on Lord Chesterfield during the earl’s short tenure as Viceroy of Ireland from January 1745 to November 1746. Having won Chesterfield’s ‘regard and confidence’, he ‘acquitted himself with an ability and integrity suitable to the trust reposed in him.’[lxxx] Philip became commanding officer of the Carabiniers in June 1745 and perhaps his strong relations with Chesterfield explains why the regiment was advanced up the cavalry ranks in 1746 to become the ‘3rd Regiment of (Irish) Horse, or Carabineers.’ The new spelling of Carabineers was deliberate. [lxxxi]

During the 1750s, the regiment was to come under the overall command of Lord George Sackville, a friend and brother-officer of Colonel Chenevix who was destined to become one of the more powerful figures of the age.

On 12th September 1751 readers of the General Advertiser learned of a fire at the Corkagh mills ‘occasioned by a Carpenter bore-ing a Hole thro’ a Loft with an Auger, the Heat of which Instrument set Fire to a few loose Grains of Powder that lay in the Crevices of the Floor; which communicated itself to a large Parcel of Powder near it, and the Explosion carried off the Roof of the Mill, with two Carpenters on it, but very providentially neither of them received any damage.’

Just over five years later, as the Seven Years War got underway, Pue’s Occurrences observed: ‘One of the Powder Mills in Corkagh belonging to Colonel Chenevix blew up; but did no other Mischief than carrying away the Roof of the House.’[lxxxii] And again in August 1758, as Colonel Chenevix entered the last months of his life, another mill at Corkagh blew up; ‘the building was much damaged, but happily no person received any hurt.’[lxxxiii]

In March 1757 the sudden death of Lt. Col. John Arabin, his lifelong friend and brother officer, must have been a tremendous blow to Colonel Chenevix. That same year, Lord George Sackville was appointed Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance and the colonelcy of the Carabiniers passed to Major-General Louis (or Lewis) Dejean who was transferred from the 14th Dragoons.[lxxxiv]

Colonel Chenevix resigned his command in April 1758 with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. He died just six months later on 23rd November 1758.[lxxxv] Chesterfield ‘much regretted’ the death of ‘this gallant and worthy officer’. [lxxxvi] An oil on canvas portrait of Philip Chenevix survives, artist unknown, and features in Stephen Wood’s book, ‘Those Terrible Greys: An Illustrated History of the Royal Scots Dragoon Guards.’[lxxxvii]

Philip’s wife Marie was a daughter of Jacques Frotté de La Rimbliere (or Rimbelliere). [lxxxviii] Jacques, who hailed from the parish of Damigny, near Alençon in Normandy, anglicized his name as James La Rimbliere. He served as a captain in the Earl of Lifford’s Regiment (or Cambon’s Foot) at both the battle of the Boyne and the siege of Aughrim. Another captain in that regiment was Theophilus Desbrisay, a close colleague of General de Grangues whose son would later own lands at Corkagh.[lxxxix] James La Rimbliere died in 1727.[xc] A letter he wrote to his mother and his brother Samuel survives; they remained in Damigny after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.[xci] Marie Chenevix appears to have died in 1772.[xcii]


From 1750 until 1757, the Carabiniers were known as ‘Lord George Sackville’s Dragoons’ after Lord George Sackville, who was Chief Secretary of Ireland during most of that period. Born in 1716, Lord George was the third son of Lionel, Duke of Dorset. He went to Ireland when his father was appointed Viceroy in 1731, studied at Trinity College Dublin and befriended Jonathan Swift. As MP for Portarlington from 1733 to 1761, he developed a long and intimate friendship with Ireland’s Huguenot community.

Lord George remained in Dublin after his father’s viceroyalty ended in 1737, where his sharp-dressing and wit caught the eye of Mrs Delaney. In July 1737 he joined the Carabiniers where his brother-officers included John Arabin and Philip Chenevix. Indeed, when Lord George was promoted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of Bragg’s Regiment (28th Foot) in August 1740, John Arabin succeeded him as captain of the Carabiniers.

Sackville distinguished himself at the battle of Fontenoy where he led the charge of the Duke of Cumberland's infantry but was seriously wounded and captured by the French.

In 1751, the year Daniel Chenevix was promoted to lieutenant in the Carabiniers, the Duke of Dorset returned to Ireland to commence his second term as Viceroy. Lord George went with him as his Chief Secretary and was sworn onto the Privy Council. That same year Lord George was elected Grandmaster of the Grand Lodge of Ireland, serving in this post for the next two years. This was the same period that Luke Gardiner laid out a new street on the northside of the River Liffey, which he named Sackville Street after this influential family; it would later become O’Connell Street. The city’s Dorset Street was likewise named for Lord George’s father.

At the start of the Seven Years War in 1754, Lord George was pipped for the post of commander–in-chief of the British Army in North America by Edward Braddock. Although his fortunes waxed and waned over the next thirty years, he was generally regarded as a successful military man and statesman. He died in 1785. His eldest son George became the fifth and last Duke of Dorset.


Colonel Philip Chenevix’s only son Daniel Pierre Chenevix was born on 30 April 1731 and baptised three weeks later by Antoine Fleury at the French Conformed Church of St. Patrick in Dublin. His godfathers were Colonel Daniel de Bernâtre, a cousin and former Lieutenant Colonel of Meinhardt Schomberg's Dragoons, and Pierre Caudier, while Madame Anne de la Porrine was his godmother.[xciii]

Like his father and grandfather Daniel pursued a military career.[xciv] In 1751 he was promoted lieutenant in the Carabiniers, or Lord George Sackville’s Dragoons as they had lately become, in which his father was colonel.[xcv] On 4th September 1754 he was promoted to captain; John Arabin was by now a captain in the same regiment.[xcvi] In October 1756 Daniel and John became brothers-in-law as well as brother-officers when Daniel married John’s sister Elizabeth Arabin. John Arabin was executor for the marriage settlement alongside Daniel’s uncle Bishop Chenevix.[xcvii]

Although he initially remained with the Carabiniers when Louis Dejean took command, Daniel may have left at the same time his father resigned his command of the regiment. [xcviii] In September 1758 he was recorded as a Major in the Artillery Company of Ireland; the regiment had been formed three years earlier.[xcix] His father’s death two months later left him heir to various properties including lands in the Tullyhunco Barony in County Cavan. Once the stronghold of the MagTigernain (McTernan) chieftains, it is rather bizarrely possible that the ancestors of the Finlays of Corkagh were also walking through this same barony in the seventeenth century.[c] Daniel’s thoughts at this time must have been greatly influenced by the premature death of his friend Captain John Arabin.

Meanwhile, perhaps aided by his father’s will, Daniel set his sights on a future home for himself and his young family. In 1760 he snapped up the Ballycommon estate in the King’s County (ie: Offaly), close to Nenagh, County Tipperary, from William Grave, a hunting-obsessed spendthrift of Dutch origin.[ci] The land had been part of a dispute in the Court of Exchequer two years earlier involving his young nephew Henry Arabin.

In March 1760, it was announced that a new Royal Irish Regiment of Artillery was to be immediately raised with the Earl of Kildare (later Duke of Leinster) as its colonel. Major Daniel Chenevix was ranked fourth in the new regiment but within two years he had taken command, becoming lieutenant colonel on 8th January 1762.[cii] He was instantly faced with a severe case of trouble in the ranks when it emerged that, on New Year’s Eve 1761, ‘several men of the Royal Irish regiment of artillery, armed with swords and cutlasses, most outrageously and unlawfully went through several parishes of the city of Dublin, and cruelly and inhumanly beat, cut and mangled several of the city watch, without any provocation whatsoever of which treatment one man is since dead, and others in great danger of their lives.’ On 6 January, Lord Kildare wrote from Kildare House (now Leinster House) promising a twenty guinea reward to anyone whose information led to a conviction of those responsible. Daniel Chenevix weighed in by offering a further ten guineas, while the other officers likewise promised twenty guineas.[ciii] The regiment recruited all over Ireland and initially trained in Dublin Castle before moving to Woolwich.

Daniel served as High Sheriff of the King’s County in 1764 and he was appointed to the same office for County Westmeath in 1768. In 1774 he became Deputy Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Ireland; his father and Colonel Arabin had also been Freemasons. [civ] Daniel was still operating the Corkagh powder mills at this time as ‘contractor for gunpowder with his Majesty's Board of Ordnance in Ireland.’[cv] On 30th September 1775, for instance, the Privy Council sent a report to the Board of Trade and Plantations concerning a petition from Benjamin Hopkins, of London, merchant, to export two hundred bags of saltpetre, on board the ship London, for consumption in Colonel Chenevix’s mill. Hopkins, a director of the Bank of England, was elected Chamberlain of the Guildhall of London in 1776, holding the post until his death in November 1779.[cvi]

For reasons unknown, the forty-five-year old artillery officer died in Dominick Street, Dublin, in March 1776.[cvii] He was buried in Ballycommon where there is an inscription to him inside the church. After Daniel’s death, command of the Royal Irish Artillery passed to John Stratton, who took part of the regiment to serve in the American War of Independence the following year. [cviii] Daniel Chenevix would not have been impressed to hear Brigadier-General James Pattison later describe the Royal Irish gunners as ‘diminutive warriors … lower than serpents … incorrigible, ill mannered, and unkempt’.

Daniel’s premature death threatened to bring an end to the direct family connection to Corkagh that had been ongoing since his great-uncle Nicholas Grueber constructed the first mills in 1719. At the close of April 1776, readers of Saunders Newsletter learned that there was to be an auction at the Powder Mills on 2nd May 1776, hosted by the High Sheriff of Dublin. Up for grabs was ‘the intire [sic] Household Furniture of Daniel Chenevix, deceased’, most of which was described as being ‘almost new’. Also going under the hammer were ‘all the Utensils belonging to the said Mills, consisting of several Copper-pans and Boilers, Keives, Coolers, Tubbs, Barrels and half-Barrels of Powder … double Horse and Bullock Carts; with several Saddle and Draft Horses, Mares, Fillys, Colts, Bullocks, Milch Cows, and Sheep; some Stacks of Hay and Oats with many other articles too tedious to insert.’ Moreover, Saunders concluded, all of Daniel Chenevix’s leasehold interests in County Dublin were also to be sold.[cix]

There is a suggestion that the mills were then worked by a Huguenot family called Pinneau. This derives from an article published in Saunders Newsletter in April 1786 which recalled that ‘some years ago the powder-mills belonging to Mess. Pinneau and Co. at Corkagh, near the five-mile stone, on the Naas Road, blew up with an explosion that shook all the buildings for some miles around. The effects extended even as far as Naas, where the windows of the sessions house were shivered at the distance of seven miles; happily no lives were lost; the workmen, consisting of about twenty, being gone to dinner, at a public house in the neighbourhood, the chimnies [sic] of which were, however, thrown into the room where they sat.’[cx] No further details can be found of Pinneau & Co., although there was a family of that name in Dublin during the late eighteenth century.[cxi]

Ultimately the Grueber-Chenevix family link held firm when Daniel’s nephew Henry Arabin, who had worked with him at the mills, took up the running. Daniel’s son Richard Chenevix, who became a prominent chemist and mineralogist, was also closely involved during Henry Arabin’s tenure. We shall return to these two men shortly.




During the 1740s one of the more colourful families to take an interest in Corkagh were the Desbrisays. They claimed descent from Torquatus Byrsarius, a ninth–century warrior whom Charles the Bald entrusted with defending the lands between the Loire and Vilaine rivers against Viking and Breton assaults. They had been staunch Huguenots during the French Wars of Religion in the late 16th century but the family head had returned to the Catholic faith in the 1630s and, during the 1680s, Jacques René de Brisay (1637-1710), Marquis de Denonville, served as Louis XIV’s viceroy of New France (ie: French Canada).[cxii]

The Desbrisays of Corkagh were scions of a cadet branch of Denonville’s family who remained Huguenot.[cxiii] The first to settle in Ireland was Captain Théophile de la Cour Desbrisay (1662-1767) who left France after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes and served as a captain in Marton's Regiment (later Lord Lifford’s). One of his brother officers was James La Rimbliere whose daughter Marie would marry Colonel Philip Chenevix of the Corkagh powder mills. Théophile Desbrisay was married in London in 1692 to Madelaine de St. Léger de Boisrond. They initially lived in Lisburn, County Antrim, but later moved south to Dublin. Théophile was to live an astonishingly long life, dying on 15th July 1767 aged 105. He was buried in the Huguenot Cemetery on Merion Row, Dublin. The Dublin-born dramatist John O’Keefe (1747-1833) recalled meeting him in his youth:

‘A strange figure was Captain Debrisay [sic] when, upwards of 70 years of age, still wearing the dress of the reign of Charles II, a large cocked-hat, all on one side his face, nearly covering his left eye; a great powdered wig, hanging at the side in curls, and in the centre at the back a large black cockade with a small drop curl from it; his embroidered waistcoat down to his knees; the top of his coat not within three inches of his neck, the hip buttons about a foot from it; buttons all the way down the coat but only one at the waist buttoned; the hilt of the sword through the opening of the skirt; a long cravat, fringed, the end pulled through the third button-hole; small buckles; the coat sleeves very short, and the shirt sleeves pulled down, but hid by the top of the gloves, and the ruffles hanging out at the opening of the cuff; the waistcoat entirely open except the lower button, displaying the finely plaited frill. Such, in his bodily presentment, was the old courtier who we learn 'walked the streets of Dublin unremarked.'"[cxiv]

Captain ‘Théophilus’ Desbrisay (1694-1772), son of Théophile and Madelaine, was born in 1694 and christened Samuel Théophile Desbrisay. In 1718, the twenty-four-year-old was married in Dublin to Magdalene de Vergèze d'Aubussargues. She is thought to have been the daughter or granddaughter of Captain Jacques de Vergéze d’Aubussargues, a former commander of both the Horse Grenadiers and the Grand Musketeers in Brandenburg who served with Lord Galway’s Regiment in Ireland and died in Portarlington in 1720.

From at least 1735 Théophilus had an office at Cork Hill, near Dublin Castle, from which he served as an Army Agent to the various Huguenot regiments, assisting their colonels in the management of accounts, as well as acting as a sort of banker to the regimental officers. In 1743, he was recorded in a deed of lease and release as the new owner of six acres at Corkagh, including Kilmatead, which he purchased from David Chaigneau. These acres appear to have been leased to Philip Chenevix, a son-in-law of one of his father’s brother-officers and a senior figure in the Irish military establishment. [cxv]

It is unclear whether Théophilus lived at Corkagh or Kilmatead, or whether he had any direct interest in the powder mills. In 1746 he gave his residential address as Frapper Lane, Oxmantown, Dublin, the same address where the abducted heir James Annesley had lived in the 1720s. Curiously, on 2nd July 1743, he also leased 140 acres in the Barony of Kilkea and Moone, County Kildare, from the Bunbury family with Thomas Bunbury, my own ancestor, and Charles Meares named as witnesses.[cxvi]

In 1754, Théophilus was Agent to the 2nd (Queen's Royal) Regiment of Foot on the Irish Establishment, which was garrisoned at Cork Hill.[cxvii] Three years later he was Agent to the 18th (Royal Irish) Regiment, also at Cork Hill, retaining the position until 1763 when succeeded by William Chaigneau, a cousin of David Chaigneau of Corkagh. Théophilus was also a member of the Dublin Society for Improving Husbandry, Manufactures and other useful arts, which later evolved into the Royal Dublin Society.

Théophilus and Magdalene Desbrisay had a large family but their sons were fated to be decimated during 1759, the celebrated annus mirabilis, or ‘wonderful year’, of the British Empire. Two or possibly three sons were apparently lost during the six-month campaign to capture the French West Indian island of Guadeloupe. The reduction of Guadeloupe was precisely the sort of event the gunpowder factory at Corkagh had been working towards for the previous forty years. On 22nd January 1759 the Royal Navy began its bombardment of the town of Basse-Terre by firing bomb ketches, containing at least one mortar each, from a distance of two to three miles. These spherical shells were packed with powder, while the shell wall was designed to be extra thick to ensure the bomb did not fall to the ground with its fuse on the downward side. British gunners were instructed to cut the wax and gunpowder fuses in such a way that the bomb exploded on impact but bomb-making was still ‘an inexact science’ at this time and many exploded in mid-air. There were also ‘carcasses’, extremely volatile incendiaries used by the Navy as flares and made from a combination of wax, sulphur, nitre and gunpowder.

When Basse-Terre was captured, the Desbrisay’s eldest son Peter, a lieutenant colonel with the Royal Artillery, was instructed to hold the fort with a detachment from the 63rd Foot. Unfortunately, he was blown up and killed by an accidental explosion on 23rd March. Unconfirmed family records suggest that his brother Captain Théophilus Desbrisay also died in Guadeloupe and that another brother Lieutenant Colonel James Desbrisay also died in 1759.

Théophilus and Magdalene’s surviving sons included Thomas Desbrisay, who served for fifteen years as Lieutenant Governor of Prince Edward Island in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and General Jasper de Brisay [sic], who fought at Culloden in 1745 and married an aunt of Sir John Parnell.[cxviii] (See Appendix 3). One of their daughters Magdalen (c. 1720-1786) married another Huguenot, Simon Boileau of Dublin, in 1741.[cxix]

Perhaps connected to the death of his elderly father in 1767, the Irish parliament was obliged to pass a bill ‘for the relief of the creditors of Theophilus Desbrisay of the city of Dublin’ in the spring of 1768.[cxx] Théophilus died in Glasnevin on 5th July 1772 aged 79, and was interred in the Boileau tomb in Dublin’s Merrion Row Cemetery.[cxxi] The cemetery was for those who did not conform to the Church of Ireland. Magdalene died on 11th December 1788 and was buried alongside her late husband.


During the mid-eighteenth century, David Chaigneau leased Corkagh House, with seventeen acres of gardens and meadows, to the Hon. Major General Henry De Grangues for an annual rent of £64. The general was in residence in 1749 and 1750 when Corkagh was advertised for sale in the Dublin Journal. [cxxii] However, he appears to have relocated to nearby Newlands by the time of his death in 1754.

Born at Caen in Normandy, Henry was the eldest son of Henri Daniell De Grangues, Marquis de Martragny, by his wife Ann, daughter of Daniel de Chamberlan. [cxxiii] The family claimed an Irish kinship through Williams Danyel, Baron de Rathwine; his wife was apparently a granddaughter of the Duke of Norfolk exiled by Richard II in 1399. Added to the mix were the Ogles, a prominent landed gentry family from Northumbria who intermarried with the Cavendish and Lumley families.

Henry’s grandfather Guillaume Daniel married Jane Randall of Salisbury. Their second son Henri Daniell returned to France and settled at Caen in 1635, where he acquired the fiefs of Gresons, Moult, and Grangues. To avoid a new tax imposed on France’s non-citizens in 1640, Henri Daniell obtained his rights of naturalization in 1646. He appears to have been created Marquis de Martragny by Louis XIV in 1675.[cxxiv]

General De Grangues is believed to have been christened Jean-Henri Daniel De Grangues but later anglicized his name to John-Henry.[cxxv] Confusingly his will in 1754 named him as the Hon. Henry Daniel de Grangues, while the name is sometimes spelled as Desgrangues. His four younger siblings were named Marthe Suzanne, Guillaume, Suzanne and Samuel. [cxxvi]

It is said that Henry De Grangues served as an aide-de-camp to the ill-fated Duke of Schomberg at the battle of the Boyne in 1690 but a detailed biography of the Duke makes no mention of him.[cxxvii] Other accounts suggest the Marquis de Martragny himself was a lieutenant in Schomberg’s cavalry. [cxxviii]

Military records indicate that Henry actually entered the English Army as a Cornet in 1695. Two years later the Peace of Ryswick brought an end to the War of the League of Augsburg, which had pitted France against the Grand Alliance of England, Spain, the Holy Roman Empire and the United Provinces. At this point De Grangues may have been assigned to the 8th Regiment of Horse, also known as ‘Schomberg’s Horse’, which may be the source of the confusion alluded to above.

On 26th February 1699-1700, John Henry De Grangues submitted a petition to be naturalised in London, with fellow émigrés James Vezian and James De La Rouviere attesting for him.[cxxix] This was to enable him to retain his existing commission or at least to give himself a chance of rejoining the army in the future. He was listed as ‘De Grange’ in the act that subsequently naturalised him while another reference in these lists described him as ‘John Henry Daniel De Grangues’. Both he and Vezian were described as ‘poor French refugees’. Vezian later became a ‘Purveyor of Oats and Beans’ for William III’s stables in London and Kensington for seven years but was ‘turned out upon the King's death’, obliging him to petition the Lord High Treasurer that he was still owed £1,400.[cxxx]

During the reign of Queen Anne, De Grangues served with the Earl of Strafford's Dragoons under Thomas Wentworth, Earl of Strafford. In July 1702 Strafford’s Dragoons were encamped at Dukenburg, near Nijmegen, along with three squadrons, including Wyndham’s Horse (with which Major Philip Chenevix served) and Schomberg’s Horse (with which John Arabin may have served). However, while Wyndham’s and Schomberg’s saw action at Blenheim, Stafford’s Dragoons were posted to Spain in December 1703. They later became the Royal Regiment of Dragoons.

On 22nd July 1707 Henry De Grangues was appointed captain in a French Regiment of Dragoons in the Dutch service commanded by the Belgian poet and general Henry de Cort, Baron de Walef (1652-1734). His commission, signed by the Duke of Marlborough, coincided with a resurgence of the French threat on all fronts, and more political infighting within the Grand Alliance itself. At the close of December 1711, Marlborough was dismissed from his command of the army following a series of corruption scandals. His successor was the Duke of Ormonde who duly made his way to the frontlines. On 14th July 1712, while based at Cateau-Cambrésis, Ormonde signed a commission appointing De Grangues to the rank of Major in Baron de Borle's Dragoons; de Borle was de Walef’s son.[cxxxi] Grangues was listed as one of the two captains in de Borle's Dragoons in 1715 or 1716 when Parliament received a ‘Petition of the Protestant Officers of the Baron de Borle's late Regiment of Dragoons, praying that (in Regard of their long and faithful Services) a provision be made for Half-Pay for them’. He was duly placed on half pay on the English Establishment.

One wonders how de Grangues reacted when, following Queen Anne’s death, both the Duke of Ormonde and Lord Stafford, his former colonel, threw their lot in with the Jacobites. Stafford was one of the masterminds of the Atterbury Plot of 1720–1722, which sought to restore the throne to the exiled James Stuart, otherwise known the Old Pretender. Although the plot collapsed in the spring of 1722, the Old Pretender elevated Stafford to the rank of Duke in the Jacobite Peerage.

In 1740 a succession crisis within the Hapsburg dynasty prompted another major European war. The following January, De Grangues was appointed colonel of the 60th Foot and given a royal warrant to raise a new foot regiment comprising of ten companies.[cxxxii] He went on to command the 30th (Cambridgeshire) Regiment of Foot before being transferred to command Wynne’s Dragoons, later to become the 9th Dragoons.[cxxxiii] Originally formed during the Jacobite Risings in 1715, Wynne’s Dragoons were regarded as the second most senior cavalry regiment in the British Army.[cxxxiv]

On 18 June 1745 Whitehall promoted De Grangues to Brigadier General. Three months later, he met with Lord Chesterfield, the Viceroy, and expressed his distaste for the manner in which the French prisoners at Kinsale were being treated, as Chesterfield remarked, ‘more inhumanely … than negroes in the West Indies.’[cxxxv] In a letter to the Duke of Bedford, Chesterfield described De Grangues as ‘a man of truth and honour’. His regiment may have served at the battle of Culloden in 1746. He saw out the rest of the decade with the 9th before he obtained the colonelcy of the 4th Irish Horse (later 7th Dragoon Guards) in 1749, at which point ‘De Grangues's Foot’ was disbanded.[cxxxvi]

De Grangues’s youngest brother Samuel, known as Colonel Samuel Daniell, served in Colonel Murray's (46th) Regiment of Foot. The regiment was raised at Newcastle in 1741 and may have served at the Battle of Prestonpans in 1745. It was stationed in Ireland from 1749 until the outbreak of the Seven Years War when they were dispatched to Nova Scotia and the Caribbean. [cxxxvii] However, it appears Samuel was already dead by 1749 and General de Grangues was executor to his will. In 1727 Samuel married Magdalen Catherine Charlotte D’Apremont, daughter of François Varignon D'Apremont and Judith de La Placette. Their daughter Judith Daniell married John Arabin and was mother to the Henry Arabin who would be so closely tied to Corkagh during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. When Magdalen Daniell’s father died in 1747 he was buried at the French Church in Peter Street, Dublin. Two years later, probate for Monsieur D'Apremont’s will was granted in the Prerogative Court of Armagh to no less a soul than Brigadier General Henry de Grangues.[cxxxviii]

It is not known when Henry De Grangues came to Corkagh. His niece, Judith Arabin, was related by marriage to the Chenevix family and the general clearly knew Colonel Philip Chenevix. The Dublin Journal indicates that he was renting Corkagh by 1749. Perhaps he moved there when his regiment was disbanded earlier that year and then simply moved across the Naas Road to Newlands after Thomas Finlay bought the house.

It is notable that he was described in the Dublin Journal as ‘Major General’ because on 11th June 1754 George II promoted him to the rank of ‘Lieutenant-General.’ [cxxxix] He would not enjoy his new status for long. On Saturday 22nd June 1754, Thomas Waite, Under Secretary for Ireland, wrote to Lord George Sackville, the Chief Secretary, informing him that ‘General de Grangues is still in the land of the living, but very weak and believes himself dying.’ [cxl] The general died at Newlands the following afternoon. He was a rich man and, upon his death, most of his fortune devolved upon his niece Judith and her husband John Arabin.[cxli]

Two days after his death, Colonel Arabin (Judith’s father-in-law) and Colonel Chenevix were among those who wrote to Lord George Sackville. Colonel Arabin noted that the late general had ‘disposed of his fortune more to the advantage of his niece, Mrs. Arabain [sic], than was expected’. He estimated that ‘the General is dead worth eleven thousand pounds, and his legacies do not amount to more than four thousand.’ Colonel Arabin added rather darkly that the general’s generous bequest to his niece was a surprise ‘considering the situation he has been in for some years past with respect to those about him.’ [cxlii]

Writing from the Powder Mills at Corkagh, Colonel Chenevix itemized some of General Desgrangues [sic] bequests: £120 a year for life, plus £300, to his sister; £2000 plus the house in Dublin with all furniture to Mrs Cartier, and £300 to her husband; £200 to Captain Sheyla; and £500 in ‘small legacies, with his country house, to Captain Arabin’s lady, which may amount to near £8000.’ [cxliii] The general’s executors were named as Colonel Arabin, Captain Sheyla and Captain Desbrisay. Theophilus Desbrisay had been Agent to the 5th Horse in 1749, when de Grangues was its colonel, and had leased land at Corkagh since at least 1743. [cxliv]

The Arabins were fortunate that the general died when he did. According to a letter written by Major Pepys to Lord George Sackville on 1st August 1754, the general ‘had sent for an attorney the day before he died to make a new codicil to his will in favour of a female friend’ - Mrs Cartier, perhaps? – ‘by which she was to enjoy his seat at Newland during her life and £3000 more than he had left her before.’ Captain Arabin and his lady had a lucky escape.’ [cxlv] Where’s Miss Marple when you need her?




In 1782 the banks of the River Camac were to become home to a new and bigger gunpowder mills which were built a couple of miles upriver from Corkagh, close to the site of the present day Mill Shopping Centre in Clondalkin village. The owner of the new mill was William Caldbeck, an amateur architect, King’s Counsel barrister, Treasurer of the King's Inns and leading light of the Irish Volunteers.[cxlvi] His descendants lived at Moyle Park House (now Moyle Park College), Clondalkin, from 1780 until shortly before the First World War. The origin of the family is unknown but it is possible that that they descend from a mason and bricklayer called William Caldbeck who was employed by Trinity College, Dublin, between 1686 and 1722.[cxlvii]

William Caldbeck of the Clondalkin mills was born in 1733 and clearly prospered when he ‘took silk’ to become one of Ireland’s legal elite. By 1780 he had amassed enough money to start work on Moyle Park House.[cxlviii] That same year he also built a foundry ‘at his own expense’ with the express purpose of ‘casting brass canons for the use of the volunteers of Ireland.’[cxlix] Caldbeck was a major patron of the Volunteers, the militia raised by Ireland’s aristocracy and landed gentry in direct response to the withdrawal of so many regular British soldiers to fight in the American Revolutionary War. Henceforth Irish shores would be defended from French and Spanish invasion by Volunteers corps such as the Lawyer’s Artillery of which Caldbeck was colonel.[cl]

Work must have still been in progress at his mansion and foundry when Colonel Caldbeck began building a new mill at Moyle Park to supply gunpowder to the Volunteers. [cli] The foundation stone was laid on 28th May 1782 by James Caulfield, the first Earl of Charlemont, commander-in-chief of the Volunteers.[clii] At the earl’s side were Lord Delvin (later 7th Earl of Westmeath) and Caldbeck’s fellow lawyer Barry Yelverton (later Viscount Avonmore), who became Attorney General that same year.[cliii] It was a lively ceremony to which an unspecified number of the volunteers marched all the way from the Phoenix Park, where they had been reviewed by Colonel Allen. Mr. Caldbeck then threw a lavish party in his garden at which guests dined on ‘every substantial dish fitting for soldiers, with abundance of wine, Irish porter and native whiskey.’ [cliv] This may explain why a cavalryman called Thomas Braughall ‘fell from his horse and unfortunately broke his thigh’ midway through the festivities. [clv]

Caldbeck’s Mills were up and running within less than two years. On 11th May 1784 Saunders Newsletter carried an advertisement pointedly headlined ‘Irish Manufacture’ which stated that ‘a large quantity of all kinds’ of gunpowder made by Caldbeck was now ‘ready for Sale, as cheap and superior in Quality to any imported.’ Prospective buyers and ‘merchants desirous to Export’ were advised to call into 6 Bishop Street, Dublin, during the morning, where they were assured of ‘terms equally advantageous with any Foreign.’ Six months later, Francis W Warren, a linen draper based at 92 Grafton Street, placed a similar advertisement offering Caldbeck’s gunpowder ‘on the lowest Terms for Ready Money.’[clvi]

Gunpowder was still exceedingly dangerous to work with. The Pinneau mill blast may have ‘shivered’ windows in Naas but a considerably bigger explosion was to rock the Caldbeck mills on 23 April 1787. According to a widely reprinted report from Dublin written a few days later, the cause of ‘the melancholy catastrophe’ was a stove used to dry the powder which overheated and caused five or six barrels to catch fire. The fire quickly spread to the loft of the Corn Mill where another 260 barrels of gunpowder were stored. The ensuing ‘violent concussion of the air’ and ‘tremendous explosion’ were felt for several miles around, particularly to the east where ‘the earth seemed to shake from the very centre, and many persons adjacent were deprived of light for a few moments, by the violence of the shock. Houses were unroofed, windows broken, and pewter and other things cast with violence from dressers.’

‘The effects upon the spot itself were horrible beyond description – the whole building was torn up from its very foundations and hurled into the elements. When the cloud of smoke had dispersed, not a vestige was to be see of it; not a trace that a building had ever stood upon it; and the person that never seen the works could scarcely bring himself to believe that such complete desolation could be effected in so short a space. Ponderous ruins, tons in weight, were cast to the distance of four or five fields, and the ground was ploughed into furrows where large stones, hurled by violent impetuosity, had touched.’

‘All the fish in a pond contiguous were found floating on the surface of the water. Trees were broken in the middle; and the remainder of the works, which were totally detached from this place, present a frightful spectacle of ruin and are little more than a heap of rubbish; the walls tattered, and the roof drove in.’

Amazingly only two men died in the explosion. As the London Chronicle observed (May 5-8, 1787), the explosion took place on St. George’s Day and, given that ‘the greater part of the persons employed there are Englishmen,’ all bar two employees had taken the day off to commemorate their patron saint. One of these two luckless men was blasted into in an adjacent quarry adjacent, ‘his head horribly shattered … The other has not yet been discovered, although diligent search was made ever since. It was supposed that he was blown to atoms, and scattered in different places. Five or six men were wounded - one it is thought mortally. It would seem as if the immediate hand of Providence protected the inhabitants of the neighbourhood from the effects of this dreadful accident. Upon no other supposition can the circumstance of so few lives being lost from such an unparalleled explosion be accounted for.’

The losses sustained by William Caldbeck were ‘very considerable’ although, as the Freeman’s Journal observed, his ‘country-house, which lay contiguous, being to windward, received little or no injury whatever.’ Nonetheless, the public were urged to lament ‘the destruction of a great national undertaking set on foot and brought to perfection by the public spirit of Mr. Caldbeck.’

The Huguenot artist Gabriel Beranger, who arrived in Ireland in 1771, later attributed the destruction of the medieval church across the road to the explosion but amazingly the Round Tower in Clondalkin survived utterly unscathed.[clvii] This becomes all the more remarkable given an observation by the legal historian F. Elrington Ball that ‘the concussion was felt so severely even in Dublin that it caused the fall of a stack of chimneys on Usher's Quay’.[clviii]

The Freeman’s Journal reported on a number of other extraordinary consequences.

‘A quantity of fish were taken up dead in the adjoining river and Grand Canal, so far as the effects of the explosion could operate.

A fox was unkennelled in the Hill of Belgard, and ran with such velocity as to lose the power of fight, whereby he was taken with great care by the boatmen at the Canal and is now chained in the stores.

The glasses, china, windows, etc. of the Monasterevan [sic] boat on the Canal were broke to pieces; but what is more surprising, a large cat was found at the threshold of Ballyfermot Castle, still alive, but with its hair singed off, which was killed by one of the servants to put an end to its misery and this is a fresh proof, that thrown at this prodigious difference from the mills, it is not easy to rid a cat of existence.

But what will surprise somewhat more, Mrs. Margaret Donovan, a respectable dairywoman at the East end of Clondalkin, at hearing the explosions, not only got rid of an old rheumatism with which she was afflicted, but an aching tooth dropped out; and her eldest son, an otherwise acute lad of seventeen, was restored to the full use of the tympanum of his ears, and the articulation of his tongue, and immediately cried out, “Oh mother! Is that the Napper Tandy?” And of this Mrs. Donovan has made oath before Justice Jones, who declared that it had a contrary effect upon him, for he had lost his speech on the occasion.

Many other marvellous effects are said to have happened, which shall be conveyed to the public as soon as they are received.’

The short-lived mills were recalled by a commemorative pedestal on the lawn near the gate lodge at Moyle Park, succinctly inscribed 'CALDBECK’S POWDER MILLS 1783'.[clix]

It is thought that Caldbeck rebuilt the mills soon afterwards. Certainly the demand for gunpowder was showing little signs of abating by 1793 when the Royal Horse Artillery was formed under the authority of the Board of Ordnance to provide artillery support to the Cavalry.

Caldbeck had many other things to focus on. In 1791 he was elected a member of the Dublin Society and became a member of their fine arts committee.[clx] His proposers for Society membership were the gallantly named Christmas Weekes and the unfortunate Thomas Braughall who had tumbled from his saddle at Moyle Park nine years earlier. As treasurer of the King's Inns Society, Caldbeck drafted its charter of incorporation in 1792. An unfortunate episode took place that same year when he was hired by Mary Amyott to prosecute her husband Dr Francis Amyott, Professor of Modern Languages at Trinity College, on a charge of wife-beating. Caldbeck failed to convince the jurors that his client’s case was legally valid.[clxi]

In 1794 Caldbeck submitted designs for the hall and library at the King's Inns on Henrietta Street but these were rejected in favour of those submitted by James Gandon.[clxii]

On 26th August 1799, a year after the collapse of the United Irishmen’s rebellion in Leinster, Saunders Newsletter published a notice that the gunpowder mills ‘lately worked by Wm. Caldbeck’ were to be let, along with ‘four sets of runners and bedstones, graining machine and stove, with every necessary for refining petre and sulphur and charring coal, with magazines, large stores, and sheds, in the completest order.’ Thomas Gelling was on hand at the mills to show potential buyers around. Ultimately the mills evolved into the Clondalkin Paper Mills, established in the early 19th century by Thomas Seery and Son.[clxiii]

William Caldbeck died aged seventy on 6th September 1803 and was buried in Clondalkin three days later. Two weeks later, the Irish nationalist Robert Emmet was hanged and beheaded near St. Catherine’s Church on Thomas Street, where the Caldbecks owned property. The Caldbecks were connected to Emmet through Sarah Curran, Emmet’s sweetheart, who was a first cousin of Anne Curran, the wife of William Caldbeck’s grandson Francis.

A subsequent investigation into the King's Inns accounts found that miscellaneous records for 1803 and 1804 were missing. A half-hearted case for fraud was launched against William Caldbeck’s estate in 1806 but ran on inconclusively before it finally petered out in November 1821.

By his marriage to Anne Keatinge, William Caldbeck had three sons. His descendants remained at Moyle Park through the 19th century until Major William Roper-Caldbeck, a grandson of Francis and Anne, sold it sometime before 1902 to Major Thomas James Ryves, a retired police officer from India. Vacated in 1920, the house was occupied for a period by Patrick Nugent before the Marist Brothers opened it as a school in 1957.

William Caldbeck’s great-grandson was the Dublin architect and civil engineer William Francis Caldbeck (1824-1872), with whom he is sometimes confused.




Following Daniel Chenevix’s premature death in the spring of 1776, the High Sheriff of Dublin hosted an auction at the Corkagh Powder Mills at which ‘all the Utensils belonging to the said Mills’ were to be sold. [clxiv] The mills may have been worked for a short period by a Huguenot family called Pinneau but they were fated to be resurrected one last time by Daniel’s nephew, Henry Arabin. As with the Chaigneau family, the D’Arabien or Arabin family were French gentry of the Huguenot faith who had arrived into Ireland in consequence of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in the late seventeenth century. [clxv]



Barthélémy (or Bartholomew) Arabin de Barcelle was the son of an influential merchant from Riez in the present-day Alpes-de-Haute region of Provence. There is a record of not one but two portraits of him. In one he is aged about sixteen, clad in armour and remarkable for his dark hair and eyes. He also wears armour for the second portrait, sometimes attributed to Peter Lely, in which his eyes are dark grey and he wears a light wig. [clxvi] As persecution of the Huguenots escalated during the 1680s, Bartélémy’s parents Alexandre and Margarett Arabin helped many of Riez’s Protestants to flee into exile although they remained in Provence themselves.[clxvii] Bartélémy likewise helped fellow Protestants to escape through a safe-house he maintained in the town of Loumarin.

The revolution in Britain that saw the Protestant champion William of Orange and his wife Mary take the throne of from James II provided a welcome new series of options for Huguenots. Bartélémy made his way to the Netherlands and entered a Huguenot cavalry regiment, the Duke of Schomberg’s French Horse, in which he was recorded as a cornet in Cussy's Company in 1689.[clxviii] On 1 July 1689 he was made a Brevet Captain of a Troop of Horse and the following month he participated in the siege and capture of Carrickgfergus castle, north of Belfast.[clxix] He also fought in the battle of the Boyne during which Marshall Schomberg was killed. Command of the regiment passed to Henri de Massué (1648-1720), Marquis de Ruvigny and later Earl of Galway, whose manifold legacies included the foundation of the Huguenot town of Portarlington where Bartélémy later lived. He appears to have served with Lord Galway’s Horse, as the regiment duly became, in the conquest of Athlone and the siege of Aughrim.

Bartélémy is also assumed to have served at the battle of Landen (or Neerwinden) in Flemish Brabant on 29 July 1693. It was not a great day for William III’s army, who were routed by the French, ‘that insolent nation’ as William called it. Galway's Horse were actually led into battle by the king himself, as well as by Galway. Lord Galway was wounded and captured but cleverly used his French background to confuse his captors and escape. Among the 19,000 casualties at the battle was Patrick Sarsfield, the Earl of Lucan, who had commanded the remnants of the Jacobite Irish army after the surrender at Limerick. "Oh, that this were for Ireland," he grimly remarked shortly before he breathed his last. William III attempted to claim it as a victory but the French commander, Marshal Luxembourg, surely had the upper hand; he captured so many flags that he converted them into a "tapestry" that hung in Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris.

On 5 December 1693, four months after Landen, a missive issued from William III’s palace at Whitehall in London refers to a 'Brevet for Bartholomew Arabin to command as captain of horse.'[clxx] In 1694 he went to Turin in Piedmont-Sardinia as aide-de-camp to Lord Galway who had been sent to command British forces and to serve as envoy to its deceitful ruler Victor Amadeus, Duke of Savoy. There had been a virtual genocide launched against the Protestant or Vaudois population of Turin in the 1680s but Galway persuaded the Duke of Savoy to issue an edict offering limited protection to Protestants. The alliance capsized when the Duke later changed sides.

From 1697 until 1701 Lord Galway was arguably the most influential man in Ireland, which cannot have harmed Arabin in any way. Galway’s Horse was disbanded in March 1699 and two months later the War Office recorded the payment of a pension to ‘Captain Bart. D’Arabin.’[clxxi] With the Peace of Ryswick in 1697, Bartélémy – like most Huguenots – may have had hopes of returning to France, but on 1st April 1699 was naturalized.[clxxii]

On 15th July 1699 he was married at St. Andrew’s Church, Dublin, to Jeanne-Renee de St. Julien (1678-1732), daughter of Pierre and Jeanne de St. Julien, another prosperous merchant émigré. [clxxiii] She was one of nine children born to Pierre de St. Julien, sieur of Malacare, and her siblings included Aimee, the wife of Colonel Trapaud, and Charlotte de Ravenell, who settled in Charleston, South Carolina. [clxxiv] Her aunt Marie was married to the Marquis of Adlercron, the Swedish ambassador to the Court of France. In the marriage settlement Bartélémy declared his worth as £1000 in money, jewels, plate and other goods.

In 1700 Bartélémy was listed as an ‘Officer of King William's French Regiments’, still affiliated with Galway’s Horse.[clxxv] Among those named alongside him was Jacques d’Aubussargues who would stand as godfather to his daughter Elizabeth Arabin in 1712.[clxxvi] The 1702 pension list noted that Bartélémy had served for ten years in Ireland and Flanders, that he had a pension of £4 and a fortune of £500 as well as his wife’s ‘substance.’ It also noted that he was ‘able to serve’.[clxxvii] By now Galway’s Horse appears to have been incorporated into the 8th Regiment of Horse, which formed part of the 7,000-strong force maintained by the English Army since 1699. As such, it seems likely Bartélémy was with the regiment when it was ordered to Holland in February 1702, making its way to the camp at Dukenburg where Major Philip Chenevix and Henry De Grangues were also encamped. Schomberg’s Horse served in the battle of Blenheim in 1704 and the following year they were present when the alliance army broke through the Lines of Brabant. They also took part in the battle of Ramillies and the siege of Ath in 1706.

Bartélémy was recorded as a sponsor at Portarlington in 1704 and 1706, suggesting rather more peaceful days. However, perhaps Bartélémy was too old for service at this point. He was a beneficiary of a remarkable project in County Offaly instigated by the Earl of Galway when he was granted the 36,000 acre confiscated Portarlington estate of the Jacobite Sir Patrick Trant. Lord Galway built two schools, two churches and more than a hundred houses for his disbanded soldiers and other Huguenot refugees. The Arabin family is thought to have lived in Portarlington at this time although in 1703 Bartélémy expended £2000 on the purchase of 654 acres at Moyvoughley, a boggy townland just north of Moate in County Westmeath. He purchased the land from the Company of Hollow Swords Blades. This included a Norman castle where he may have actually lived; the stone from this castle was incorporated into Moyvoughley Lodge in 1834.

In 1704 Bartélémy leased a stone house and two parcels of land in Cloneygowan, near Portarlington; Jeanne-Renee Arabin was recorded as living there until November 1714 when she sold her interest in the lease. In 1720 she leased 232 acres at Ballycristal in the King’s County (Offaly) where she is assumed to have lived until her death in 1732. Bartélémy died on 20 January 1713 and was buried in the graveyard at Peter Street, Dublin, eleven days later. [clxxviii] His will was proven on 12 March 1713.[clxxix] In 1966 the Peter Street cemetery was sold for development to Jacob’s; all of the remains in were exhumed and reinterred at the Mount Jerome Cemetery in Dublin. The names of the dead are inscribed on a wall at the communal grave.



Barthélémy and Jeanne Arabin’s son John Arabin de Barcelle, sometimes known as Jean, was born in 1703. Dark haired and and dark eyed, he received his first commission as a cornet in the 1st Regiment of Carabiniers on 2nd September 1717. [clxxx] In 1726 he married Jeanne Marie (Jane Mary) Bertin, the daughter of Louis Bertin, a bourgeois merchant from Castelmoron-sur-Lot, Guyenne, in Aquitaine.[clxxxi] The elder Bertin had settled in Ireland County Meath where he became a Freeman of Dublin and married Marie Perronet (or Perrauld). The marriage to Bertin’s daughter brought John Arabin a substantial dowry.

John may have operated as a solicitor in Dublin during the 1720s, maintaining contact with a wide network of clients and contacts, including his St Julien and de Ravenell cousins in South Carolina and Brigadier de Blanzac at The Hague.[clxxxii] From 1728 to 1737 he served on the Grand Jury of County Westmeath, indicating that he was perhaps resident on the Moyvoughley estate purchased by his father in 1703.

On 11th June 1733, he was promoted captain-lieutenant in the 1st Carabiniers, then commanded by Lord Cathcart, with whom he served in Ireland until 1740 when he was promoted. [clxxxiii] Philip Chenevix was a captain in the same regiment, as was Lord George Sackville, a future Grand Master of the Irish Grand Lodge of Freemasons.[clxxxiv] It was thus no coincidence that both John Arabin and Philip Chenevix were also freemasons. In 1736 and 1737 Captain Arabin served as Grand Treasurer of the Irish Grand Lodge. [clxxxv] One assumes it was mere coincidence that the following year he expended £10,729 8s 8d on the purchase of the Moyglare demesne near Maynooth from the politician and diarist Sir William Yonge and his wife Lady Ann, daughter and co-heiress of Lord Howard of Effingham.

1737 was also the year in which John Arabin’s twenty-five-year-old sister Elizabeth married their first cousin John Adlercron Trapaud, a cavalry officer rising rapidly through the ranks. Captain Arabin promptly sold some of his lands at Moyglare to his new brother-in-law.[clxxxvi] In 2001 Sotheby’s of New York sold a portrait of Elizabeth Adlercron attributed to James Nathan (Continental).

In 1740, Lord Cathcart was selected to command an expedition against the Spanish possessions in the Americas but died on the voyage over. That same year, John Arabin was promoted captain in the place of Lord George Sackville who was sent to take command of Colonel Philip Bragg’s 28th Foot. Perhaps he was there when they buried Lord Cathcart on the beach of Prince Rupert Bay, Dominica. Two years later John transferred from Bowle’s Horse (aka the Carabinier’s) to become a major in Colonel Whitchet’s Foot (8th Dragoons).[clxxxvii]

In June 1745, John Arabin was appointed lieutenant-colonel of St. George’s (8th Dragoons), taking command on the eve of the Jacobite rising orchestrated by Charles Edward Stuart, aka ‘Bonnie Prince Charlie’. He duly marched his men north to join Marshal Wade's army at Newcastle but was then sent to intercept the rebels in Scotland. After marching along roads ‘choked with ice and snow, in most inclement weather’, Arabin’s force reached Preston — a distance of a hundred miles — in three days. They served with distinction during the remainder of this campaign, participating in the battle of Clifton Moor, the capture of Carlisle and the relief of Blair Castle. [clxxxviii] A story was later told that Colonel Arabin presented the Duke of Cumberland with a prisoner who claimed to be Prince Charlie. It transpired the man was making this claim in order to buy the vanquished prince some extra time to escape; Cumberland had the loyal Jacobite hanged on the spot.[clxxxix]

In April 1749 John Arabin was transferred from the 8th to serve in Ireland as lieutenant colonel of Major-General Bligh’s 2nd Regiment of Horse (5th Dragoon Guards). [cxc] In 1754 his brother-in-law John Adlercron was sent to India as Commanding Officer of the 39th (Dorsetshire) Regiment of Foot. Assigned to protect the interests of the East India Company, Adlercron became Commander-in-Chief, India later that same year.

On 27th December 1755 Lieutenant Colonel John Arabin was transferred from the 2nd Horse to become Colonel of the 57th Regiment of Foot, one of eleven newly raised infantry regiments. The following January, he was authorized to seek new recruits anywhere in Great Britain. He made his first headquarters at Manchester where two companies - one from the 3rd Foot (The Buffs) and one from the 20th Foot (later the Lancashire Fusiliers) - were posted to become the nucleus of his regiment. By March he was actively recruiting in Gloucester and Somerset and by the end of April he had sufficient men to complete seven companies.[cxci]

Although it is entirely plausible that they were familiar with Corkagh since the days of Lewis Chaigneau, the Arabins first known direct link to Corkagh came in October 1756 when the colonel’s daughter Elizabeth Arabin married Daniel Chenevix, the son of his brother-officer Colonel Philip Chenevix. By this time the Chenevix’s had been running the Corkagh mills for at least thirteen years and it was presumably useful for Colonel Arabin to know he had a gunpowder mill in the family, particularly given that Britain had declared war with France five months before the wedding.

With the Seven Years War underway, the Mediterranean was to become the scene for much of the action and Colonel Arabin and the 57th sailed for the Rock of Gibraltar. However, the fifty-four-old commander died ‘suddenly’ on 16th February 1757, presumably by accident or disease. His colonelcy officially terminated on 22nd March when Sir David Cunynghame succeeded to the post. [cxcii] His brother officers subsequently erected a marble monument to his memory in the King’s Chapel on the Rock. One wonders if this explains why a 22-acre townland in the parish of Clondalkin was called Gibraltar.

By his wife Jeanne Marie, Colonel Arabin had four sons, including John junior and William John, and three daughters, including Elizabeth (who married Daniel Chenevix) and Sarah (who was born in 1739, married Francis De St. Leon and passed away in 1840, at the age of 101). Their baptisms are recorded in La Touche’s Register of the French Conformed Churches in Dublin.[cxciii]

Jeanne Marie Arabin outlived her husband by twenty-three years. When she died in London aged 66 in 1780, she was buried in St James, Piccadilly.[cxciv]



John-Daniel Arabin junior, the father of Henry Arabin of the Corkagh powder mills, was born in 1727 and baptised in the French Conformed Church. He was the first Arabin to attend Trinity College Dublin, after which he followed his father and grandfather into the army, initially as a cornet in Lieutenant-General St. George’s Dragoons in 1748 and then as a lieutenant in Hargrave’s Regiment from 1750. [cxcv] This would appear to be the Ordnance Regiment, commanded by Lieutenant General William Hargrave, Governor of Gibraltar from 1740 until 1749. Following Hargrave’s death in 1751, the regiment became the 7th Regiment of Foot (Royal Fusiliers) in a nod to the flintlock fusils they used when escorting open-topped barrels of gunpowder. Most regiments were equipped with matchlock muskets at that time and matchlocks carried a distinct risk of igniting the gunpowder. This could be relevant given that the gunpowder mills at Corkagh were then under lease to Colonel Philip Chenevix, father-in-law of John’s sister Elizabeth. That said, John Arabin appears to have been commissioned as a captain in the 14th Irish Dragoons in 1751.

In October 1750 John Arabin married their heiress Judith Daniell, a niece of Major-General Henry De Grangues, a favourite of George II, who was leasing the mansion at Corkagh at that time. [cxcvi] The general was an executor to the marriage settlement, as well as to the will of Judith’s father, his brother Samuel, who had died on active service with the 15th Foot in Havana.[cxcvii] When General De Grangues died in 1754, Judith became his unexpectedly lucky heiress, inheriting £8000 despite her seemingly dubious relationship with her uncle. The general was thought to have been about to change his will when he died so that, as one writer put it, ‘Captain Arabin and his lady had a lucky escape.’ (See De Grangues chapter). Judith also inherited the estate of Kilmacud in the Dublin suburb of Dundrum from her paternal grandmother Ann Daniell de Granges, as well as land on Jervis Quay, or Bachelor’s Walk, in Dublin City from her maternal grandfather Francis d’Apremont.

In 1756, Captain Arabin stood as executor when his sister Elizabeth married his brother-officer Daniel Chenevix.[cxcviii] Following his father’s death in Gibraltar in February 1757, he succeeded to the family property at Moyvoughly in County Westmeath, as well as to an interest through mortgages in the estate at Kilmacud. At this time, it is thought that he and Judith were living on French Street in central Dublin, where their five children were born. [cxcix]

In late 1756 John Arabin and Daniel Chenevix were recorded as captains in the Carabiniers under the command of Major-General Dejean. For reasons unclear, Captain Arabin died in 1757 or 1758 at the age of twenty-nine, leaving two small sons, Henry and John Daniel, and three daughters. He was reputedly buried in a vault at Moyglare. His will named his executors as his widow Judith, his mother Jeanne, his uncle Colonel John Adlercron and his father’s friend Colonel Philip Chenevix. Judith outlived her husband by over forty years, dying at the Corkagh Powder Mills on 1st March 1802. [cc]

Captain Arabin’s younger brother was Lieutenant-General William John Arabin, Colonel of the 2nd Life Guards.[cci] In 1777 William was married in Dublin to Henrietta Molyneux, daughter of Sir Capel Molyneux, but within two years she had embarked on a scandalous affair with Thomas Sutton. Major Arabin, as he was then, sued for divorce in 1786. The subsequent trial provided much juice for gossip-mongers, not least when witnesses recalled observing Mrs Arabin and her lover walking ‘arm-in-arm’ into a shrubbery near the Sutton’s home in Surrey, from which she emerged sometime later, ‘her hair tumbled, and her dress very much rumpled and disordered, though when she went out she was particularly neat and well dressed’.[ccii] William was to be immortalized in the painting ‘Major Arabin as Sir Bashful Constant’ by John Downman in 1787. When Sir Capel died in 1797 he left his errant daughter a solitary shilling. By then she had apparently gone abroad and married a Mr St George. The Arabin’s only daughter Mary Elizabeth was baptised at St Martin-in-the-Fields in 1777 and died unmarried age 70 in May 1847. The Arabins also had a son William St Julien Arabin, sometime serjeant-at-law, who died in 1842 and whose incoherent ramblings are said to have provided the inspiration for Serjeant Snubbins in Charles Dickens’ ‘Pickwick Papers’.[cciii]


HENRY ARABIN (1752-1841)

Henry Arabin, John and Judith’s older son, was born in 1752 and named for his mother’s elderly uncle, General Henry de Grangues. He was just two years old when his parents succeeded to the bulk of the general’s fortune but not yet eight when his father died. In July 1758 his father’s executors were embroiled in a legal case they took on Henry’s behalf against a fast-living buck called William Grave over various properties in Counties Kildare and Offaly. [cciv]

In July 1766 Henry’s uncle and long-term mentor General Adlercron died of ‘an apoplectic fit after eating a hearty dinner’ at his home at Blackrock in Dublin.[ccv] Henry lost another uncle with the death of Colonel Daniel Chenevix in 1776 while the following year he attended his uncle William Arabin’s fateful wedding at St. Michan’s to Henrietta Molyneaux.

Perhaps the legal wrangling’s he heard whispers of in his younger years led him to read law at Trinity College Dublin. He matriculated in 1769 and entered Magdalen College, Oxford, in October 1770, the same month he was admitted to Lincoln’s Inn, London.[ccvi]

In 1781, while the newly assembled Volunteers corps were marching all across Ireland, Henry married Ann Faviere Grant. Her family hailed from Ballindalloch Castle on the banks of the River Spey in northern Scotland.[ccvii] Her father Captain George Grant of the Royal Scots Regiment had died during the capture of Havana in 1763.[ccviii] She was a kinswoman of Major General James Grant, Governor of East Florida from 1763 to 1771 and commander of the 55th Regiment of Foot during the American War of Independence. After the death of both her parents, she had been brought up in St. Anne’s parish, Dublin, by Mrs Hugh Crofton who may have been from another Huguenot family named D’Absac. Ann was probably an intelligent woman because in 1784 she owned a copy of Voltaire's ‘Romans et contes philosophiques’ (London 1776).[ccix]

Records indicate that Henry was living at Moyglare, the Adlercron home, at the time of his marriage while his bride was living with the Croftons.[ccx] Henry and Ann raised nine strapping sons, four of whom devoted their lives to military and naval service. Captain George Arabin, the eldest, served with the 54th Regiment. Captain Septimus Arabin enjoyed a distinguished naval career during the Napoleonic Wars and died in Paris in 1826.[ccxi] Augustus Arabin was a lieutenant in the Navy while Captain Frederick Arabin of the Royal Artillery married a daughter of Bishop Mountain of Quebec.[ccxii]

Shortly after their marriage Henry and Ann Arabin moved to Corkagh. It seems likely that they lived at ‘Little Corkagh’, otherwise known as Kilmatead House, although it is possible that they struck a deal with the Finlays and lived at Corkagh House, where Henry’s great uncle, the general, had lived. The Arabin house was reputedly ‘a scene of considerable gaiety, and the rendezvous of frequent hunting parties in the season.’[ccxiii] Henry became closely involved with the going’s on in Clondalkin, as churchwarden from 1785 and as a subscriber to the new St. John’s Church that opened in 1789.

As a young man Henry had worked alongside his uncle Daniel Chenevix at the Corkagh gunpowder mills and he duly took over the running of the mills. This may have been in the wake of the explosion at the Pinneau mill in the early 1780s, or perhaps he spotted a gap in the market when William Caldbeck’s mill likewise blasted into orbit in 1787. Maybe he just needed a distraction after the embarrassment of his uncle William’s divorce trial in 1786. Or maybe he was responding to a request from his only brother John Daniell Arabin (1755-1838), an unmarried officer in the Royal Irish Artillery. That was a regiment with a considerable need for gunpowder and John was rising rapidly through its ranks.[ccxiv] It could have been a sentimental attachment to a family-run business or maybe he had an eye on supplying blasting powder to the Royal Canal Company, to which he subscribed £600 in 1786.[ccxv]

Arabin’s mill was certainly in operation by the summer of 1794. At the close of July, glum news arrived from London where the East India Company’s Saltpetre Warehouse had been destroyed by fire. This was effectively the entire British supply of saltpetre at a time when the demand for it had never been greater. The potential consequences were so serious that the Duke of Richmond, Master-General of the Ordnance, ordered a halt to the firing of all gun salutes in order to preserve gunpowder supplies. When the Irish government appealed to the Duke for a thousand barrels of powder that August, he replied, ‘I fear we cannot spare whole of the Small Grained sort, which is fittest for Musquets’, and all he could send was ‘the Long Grained sort’ of powder which was only usable in weapons long considered obsolete.[ccxvi]

This presumably caused a considerable rumpus down in County Cork where Charles Henry Leslie had established a new powder mills at Ballincollig on the River Lee in 1794. In any event Henry Arabin had little option but to put up the price of gunpowder. On 25th August 1794 Saunders Newsletter explained that ‘the late misfortune in London having raised the price of saltpetre most considerably, the proprietor of the mills at Corkagh is sorry he is under the necessity, for the present, of charging for gunpowder’, and the new prices of between £8 + 9 shillings and £9 + 18 shillings followed. However, his finances must have come good as he is said to have built another mill in about 1796. At some point he teamed up with his younger cousin Richard Chenevix (1774-1830), the chemist and mineralogist, to improve his gunpowder manufacturer business. Richard, who was Daniel and Elizabeth Chenevix’s second son, became a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1801. Richard was a companion of the Cornish inventor Sir Humphrey Davy and author of ‘Remarks upon Chemical Nomenclature’, ‘Observations on Systems of Mineralogy’ and other papers, as well as of two plays, ‘The Mantuan Rivals’ and ‘Henry VII’.

During the rebellion of 1798 Messrs. Arabin and Chenevix paid their workers a bonus to successfully ‘prevent them from mischief.’ [ccxvii] In the summer of 1799 they may have availed of the sale of some of the utensils and machinery from Caldbeck’s gunpowder mills, which included ‘four sets of runners and bedstones, graining machine and stove, with every necessary for refining petre and sulphur and charring coal, with magazines, large stores, and sheds, in the completest order.’

In December 1800 Henry Arabin unhappily wrote to the Collector of Customs of Liverpool explaining that ‘in both capacities of Landholder, and Manufacturer, I was induced not to oppose the measure of a Union upon a presumption that it would be beneficial to me in each’. The ‘promoters of this measure’ had assured him that the produce of both his mills and his lands could be exported to England, without duty, after the Act of Union but such assurances had proven empty. Arabin and Chenevix still had to pay the same import duty they paid before the union, particularly on the huge quantity of saltpetre they purchased from the East India Company. Saltpetre formed 80% of the gunpowder’s ingredient, with Irish-brimstone making up another 10%. [ccxviii]

Henry appealed to Lord Castlereagh, complaining that the duty charged on importing gunpowder into England was prohibitive. Castlereagh urged him to contact the Chief Secretary’s office in Dublin to which Henry duly submitted a return of sales going back twenty years, showing that he had only ever sold gunpowder to people ‘who had a license to deal in the substance’. [ccxix] Meanwhile, the Collector of Customs of Liverpool warned him that any gunpowder imported into Liverpool would be seized, putting an end to Henry’s plans to sell gunpowder to African merchants. When he was also denied permission to export to Portugal, he applied to the Privy Council for permission to export to the West Indies or North America. In his application, he stated that he had no wish to ‘turn lose a parcel of starving manufacturers, unused and unable to get their bread by agricultural labour’.[ccxx] His application was again unsuccessful.

The death of his mother in March 1802 cannot have helped matters. Faced with no other option, he took out an advertisement in Saunders's News-Letter on 3rd February 1803, stating: ‘TO be sold, the interest in the lease of the Gunpowder Mills of Corkagh, with every requisite for the manufactory, and a house, offices, and excellent garden, and 94 acres of land, five miles from Dublin, on the great southern road. Application (post-paid) to be made to Hugh Tuite, Esq., Sonna, Mullingar. Mr. John Gibson attends at the Powder mills, to show the premises.’

Having been admitted to Lincoln’s Inn thirty years earlier, Henry was finally called to the bar in Trinity term 1803. [ccxxi] He may have been inclined to complete his legal studies to resolve the calamitous situation over the import duty charged on gunpowder. After several years of writing to various cabinet members and Treasury lords, he reminded them how Article 6 of the Act of Union stated:

‘After 1st January, 1801, all prohibitions and bounties on the export of articles, the produce or manufacture of either country to the other shall cease, and they shall henceforth be so exported without duties or bounties on export.’

Such definitive missives were to no avail. Perhaps he had hopes that the Board of Ordnance would step in and buy his mills, as they did in Cork in 1804 when the Ballincolling mills became the Royal Gunpowder Mills. However, even the Ballincolling mills became dilapidated after the Napoleonic wars and they were eventually sold to a Liverpool businessman in 1832.[ccxxii]

In 1817 Henry may have at least been able to off-load some blasting powder to the contactors when he, Colonel John Finlay of Corkagh and William Dowling were given the go-ahead by the Grand Jury ‘to build a bridge across a new road, lately made by presentment from Dublin to Newcastle, through Corraghan [sic], near the corner of Sally Park, to carry off a river course which runs across the road at the place.’[ccxxiii]

In 1837 Samuel Lewis stated that ‘in the demesne of Little Corkagh are some gunpowder-mills, established a century since, but not used since 1815.’ One of the mills, he added, had been ‘converted into a thrashing and cleaning mill, capable of preparing 100 barrels daily.’ The following year the historian and barrister John D’Alton claimed that ‘Mr. Arabin established nine powder mills’ at Corkagh - one for every son perhaps - but stated that ‘they are all, however, out-marketed by the English works’.[ccxxiv]

Perhaps some of the mills were not working by 1815 but others were operational up until at least Christmas 1821 when Henry wrote from 12 Clare Street, Dublin, to William Gregory, the Under Secretary at Dublin Castle. His letter expressed his concern at the fate of the poor whom he employed in his mills should production cease. He declared his willingness to submit to any government regulations 'to prevent gunpowder from falling into improper hands.’ [ccxxv] He was still listed as a gunpowder manufacturer on a list of merchants in the early 1820s, operating from 12 Clare Street, with an office at 5 Pembroke Quay.[ccxxvi] By 1822 Henry had completely ceased manufacturing and found employment as an agent for a new Scottish explosives company called Curtis's & Harvey.[ccxxvii]

Henry Arabin was a key figure in the Royal Dublin Society, serving on the committees in charge of the library, the nummarium (coin collection) and the purchase of Leinster House from the Duke of Leinster in 1814.

In 1839, perhaps inspired by the demise of Finlay’s Bank, Henry Arabin ‘of Corka’ [sic] launched a remarkably forward-thinking campaign to rework the concept of paper money. His essay, ‘A plan for extending the paper currency, on the security of the nation’, was printed by J. G. & F. Rivington in London. It was not until 1855 that Britain saw the appearance of the first fully printed bank notes that did not require the name of the payee and the cashier's signature.[ccxxviii]

A liberal at heart, Henry Arabin supported Catholic Emancipation and in 1829 he served as a secretary to the committee who organised a major gathering of landed gentry and aristocracy at the Rotunda in Dublin to debate its merits. He was also a member of the Anti-Tory Association from 1834. Two years later he presided over a meeting in the Courthouse at Kilmainham petitioning for municipal reform and the abolition of the tithes that the Catholic populace were obliged to pay to the Established Church. He was also a supporter of O’Connell’s campaign to repeal the Union which had clearly failed him in its grand promises, terminating the Corkagh gunpowder mills.

Ann Arabin died in 1839 and Henry Arabin followed her two years later in May 1841; the father of nine sons and the owner of nine powder mills, he died a day after his ninetieth birthday. He was still described as ‘of Corkagh’ in 1839 although he also appears to have lived at Moyglare and the Dublin townhouse on Clare Street.

One of his last experiences was to be toasted during a banquet held in Mullingar to celebrate a visit from Daniel O’Connell. While the rest of the Westmeath gentry boycotted the occasion, two of Henry’s sons Charles and John Ladaveze Arabin also came out in his favour of O’Connell. Charles actually sat next to O’Connell during the banquet, at the conclusion of which the Catholic Emancipator toasted the health of both he and his father.



John Ladaveze Arabin, the youngest of Henry and Ann Arabin’s nine sons, lived at Corkagh from 1831 to 1851. He appears to have lived in Kilmatead House, beside the Powder Mills, although he is also recorded at 12 Clare Street, as well as Woodley in Taney parish which is assumed to have been the Arabin residence at Kilmacud in Dundrum. Born in 1794, he studied at Trinity College Dublin from 1811 to 1816 while several of his older brothers were caught up in the final throes of the Napoleonic Wars. In 1839 he consented to the sale of the Moyglare estate (assigned to him by his father) to his cousin, Henry Morgan Tuite.

A supporter of the Repeal Association, he organised a National Banquet in support of the campaign in 1844. He served on a Special Jury panel for County Dublin in 1842 and 1843, and became Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1845 and moved into the Mansion House. In that capacity he attended the funeral of Thomas Davis, the Protestant poet and co-founder of The Nation in 1845. He was subsequently chair of Dublin Corporation and a trustee of the Royal Exchange.

A grim scandal came into his life in 1846 when the then unmarried man was fined £1000 after his mistress Mary Carroll claimed he had seduced their own daughter Mary Ann. They also had a son John and a second daughter Elizabeth. Perhaps to pay his legal fees, his property at Corkagh went under the auctioneer’s hammer, along with the mill and substantial lands at Corkagh, Priestown, Baldonnell and Kimateed, on 28 February 1850.[ccxxix] Nearly thirty gentlemen showed up for the auction but there were no bidders.[ccxxx] The property was back up for sale through the Encumbered Estates Court a little over three years later, viz.


In the Matter of the Estate of Christopher Hume Lawler, Assignee, to John Ladaveze Arabin, Owner; Exparte Charles Lewis, petitioner.

The Commissioners of Incumbered Estates in Ireland will, on Tuesday the 12th of July, 1853, at the hour of Twelve o'clock, noon, at their Court, No. 14, Henrietta Street, in the City of Dublin.

SELL BY PUBLIC AUCTION in one Lot, the following Estate and Property, all situate in the Baronies of Newcastle and Uppercross, in the County of Dublin, vis. the Town and Lands of Baldonnel Upper, otherwise Big Baldonnell or Ballydonnell, Balldonnell Lower; otherwise Old Baldonnell, or Ballydonnell; and Flock Meadow or part of College Land, containing 415A 3R 6P statute measure, which are held in fee simple, and are estimated by Dr. Whitty, C.E., at the annual value of £647 5s, and subject to £2 17s 6 1/4d quit rent and fees.

Also the Townland of Little Baldonnell, or Ballydonnell, containing 28A 1R 38P statute measure, held under lease for lives renewable for ever, subject to a yearly head rent of £42, and are of the estimated annual value of £50 9s 6d.

Also part of the Townland called Rainbow Park, Sally Park Meadow, Mill Park and Garden, and part of the Rough Park, all being sub-denominations of Corkagh, containing 23A OR 6P statute measure, held under lease for lives renewable forever, subject to a yearly head rent of £24 6s 11d, and a renewal fine of 10s 6d Irish on fall of each life.

Also New Orchard, being a sub-denomination of Corkagh, containing 2A Sn 13P statute measure, held under a fee farm gront1 subject to a yearly head rent of 11 7s 8d.

Also the Lands of Kilmateed, being a sub denomination of Corkagh, containing 46A 3R 19P statue measure, held under fee-farm grant from the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and subject to the yearly head rent of £43 11s 10d, and a yearly rent of £5 12s 11d, as in rental mentioned.

Also part of the Lands of Kilmateed, or Carraghan, also sub denomination of Corhagh, containing 8A 3R l0P statute measure, held under a fee-farm grant, subject to a yearly head rent of £10 1s.

The entire of the foregoing Lands of Rainbow Park, New Orchard, Kilmateed, and part of Kilmateed, or Carraghan, are of the estimated annual value of £174 10s 6d. The entire of this Estate, which is now untenanted, is situate on the high road to Naas, about six miles of the City of Dublin, one mile from Rathcoole and Saggard, the whole lying within a ring fence, with the exception of the Flock Meadow.

Dated the 11th day of June, 1853

For Rentals and further particulars apply at the Court of the Commissioners, or to,

CHARLES LEWIS, Esq., Secretary, West of England Insurance Office, Exeter;

ROBERT DYMOND AND SONS, Surveyors, No. 10 Bedford Circus, Oxford. Messrs.

SCOTT AND SYMES, 7, Furnival's-Inn, London;

SAMUEL PAGE, Esq., 39, Dame-street, Dublin;

JOHN IRVINE WHITTY, LL.D., Civil Engineer and Valuator, 1 and 16, Henrietta-street, Dublin;

WILLIAM HICKIE, Esq., Janemount, Glanmire, Cork.

Messrs. FITZGERALD, 2 Fleet-street, Dublin.

THOMAS JOHN BEASLEY, Esq., 11, Stephen's-green North; or to

FRANCIS GREEN TINKLER, Solicitor, having carriage of the Sale, 16, Upper Gloucester-street, Dublin.


The lands did not sell at the July auction but a second attempt on 13th December 1853 found a buyer for most of the lands in the form of his neighbour Philip Grierson of Baldonnell House.[ccxxxi] John Ladaveze Arabin died of an asthma attack in 1863, aged 68.



Click on the above to visit the seperate page on the Finlay family who lived at Corkagh from 1750 until 1959.



Click on the above to visit the seperate page on the Colley family who were based at Corkagh from 1917 until 1959.






When Melesina Trench’s memoirs were published in 1862, they included many memories of her grandfather Bishop Richard Chenevix such as this:

“After my mother's death I lived with my dear grandfather, the good Bishop of Waterford. I was the only remaining child of his once numerous family, and in me were centered all his earthly hopes and wishes. His domestic affections were uncommonly strong. They formed a solid and broad basis for his universal philanthropy. He often spoke of his lost children, of his departed wife, and of his revered father, who died on the field of battle. Even his family pictures, a numerous collection, which he had carefully brought from England when he came to settle at his bishopric, were regarded by him with sentiments of greater tenderness and veneration than some appear to feel for their living friends.

The education of his orphan grand daughter became his favourite employment. She was to him as a ray of sunshine sent to gild the evening of his life. But she did not absorb the mild affections of that expanded heart, which looked on all the sons and daughters of affliction as its own. Inattentive to the voice of vanity, selfishness, or dissipation and above all taste for luxury and splendour, his superfluity was exclusively devoted to acts of charity; and his idea of superfluity was that of a Christian bishop. To one who expressed fears of his injuring his family by his generosity, he replied, “No, no, I shall die scandalously rich.” Prudent men accused him of being too lavish and indiscriminate in his bounty, and it was said that whoever awakened his feelings commanded his purse. But these were noble errors, and sufficiently punished by the occasional ingratitude he experienced.

He proved by the whole tenour of his actions that his philanthropy was not the mere child of impulse, for he assisted numerous public charities with the utmost exertion of his vigilance and industry. In more instances than one he wrested from the strong grasp of power and affluence the portion of those who had none to help them; and saved from rapacious heirs the revenues of establishments, destined to last as long as our Constitution for the comfort of the widow and the fatherless. He also sowed the first precious seed of many liberal endowments. Providence prospered his efforts and those yet unborn may bless his name.

Would that I could do justice to his courtesy, his dignity of mind, his humility, his simplicity, his learning, his piety; but his setting sun only irradiated my path during my childhood. His habits I well remember. Till fourscore years of age, he rose at six, lighted his own fire, was temperate even to abstemiousness, never tasting any but the plainest food, was strictly attentive to every religious exercise, public and private; was polite and hospitable, receiving frequently large companies, from whom he retired to his study when they sat down to cards; and on every Sunday inviting a numerous party of clergymen and officers to an early dinner, which admitted of attending divine service in the evening.

He was always employed in his study in the intervals of meals; but though apparently engrossed by his pen and his books, never showed the slightest impatience of interruption, whether from the claims of society or of indigence. An airing, or a short walk to look at his pines, grapes, or melons, was to him sufficient relaxation; and, as his deafness precluded him from enjoying general conversation, he had peculiar pleasure in a private interview with those he loved or esteemed.

His courtesy was specially that of Christianity, more solicitous to avoid offending the poor and low than the rich and great. I have seen him receive an old woman who asked alms in the street, and a young one who came to solicit a recommendation to the Magdalen Asylum, with all the politeness of a courtier, and all the respect of a supplicant. His green old age, always serene, and often cheerful, was wholly exempt from ennui, listlessness or any dispiriting complaint.’

Melesina Chenevix St. George Trench, ‘The Remains of the Late Mrs. Richard Trench’, (Parker, Son, and Bourn, 1862).



I think Daniel and Elizabeth Chenevix’s son George Chenevix succeeded to Ballycommon. He was quite possibly named for Lord George Sackville, in whose regiment Daniel had served during the Seven Years War. In 1794 Ballycommon Bridge, also known as Chenevix Bridge, was built across what would have then been a busy stretch of the Grand Canal, with the Kilbeggan Branch of the canal just west of the bridge, and a direct link to Clondalkin which had opened to traffic in 1779. I think George was a father of the Surgeon Major George Chenevix (1793-1852) who served with the Coldstream Guards at Quatre Bras and Waterloo, as well as at the capture of Paris. A memorial was erected to the younger George’s memory in Ballycommon Church by his widow Maria Sophia, daughter of Charles Baldwin, of Grove Hill, Camberwell.

Daniel and Elizabeth Chenevix’s daughter Sarah Elizabeth married Capt. Hugh Tuite, ‘a gentleman of about £5,000 per annum’ from Sonna, County Westmeath, who played a prominent role in the defence of Gibraltar in the 1780s. Like the arabins, their son Hugh Morgan Tuite would later become a key supporter of Daniel O’Connell’s Catholic Association, as well as Sheriff of counties Westmeath (1822-3) and Longford (1837-8).



The following letter was written by Theophilus Desbrisay in May 1769 and addressed to his son Capt. Thomas De La Cour DesBrisay who had lately been appointed Lieutenant Governor of St. John's (now Prince Edward) Island. With thanks to Iva Trevors for the transcript.

Dublin, Ireland

May, 1769

My dear Son,

As by all appearance and my great age I cannot hope to see you more after you leave this Kingdom, and my circumstances not affording me the means of shewing you my affection by real effects I shall at least discharge a duty by laying before you such advices for the conduct of your life which if attended to may be conducive to your welfare and happiness. Let me observe to you--

Firstly, --- That your principle duty is to offer daily your worship to the Supreme being, not only in private, but let your family join you in acts of devotion morning and evening. In the post wherein it hath pleased God to place you, you are not to consider yourself alone, but to be an example to others. This you will do by never neglecting, with your family, to attend the Public Worship. --

Secondly,--- As Lieutenant Governor of St. John's Island there are many obligations laid on you, and the mention of some of them may, I hope, be of use. --

Thirdly,--- In regards to the Inhabitants of the Island whom His Majesty hath laid under your inspection, be to them affable and courteous, but especially to the officers immediately attending on public business. Be civil but not familiar, have no favourite and beware to let anyone get an ascendancy over you. Reward virtue, punish vice, without shewing any partiality in either case. Be just and fear not, dare to be wise.

Fourthly,--- Be very sparing in giving entertainments-From a long experience I have found that they answer no and, insomuch that those persons who have eat your meat and drunk your wine will look upon it as a small obligation and perhaps blame you in 'their minds.

Fifthly,--- Be constantly on your guard against being tempted to make any advantage, though perhaps they may appear innocent -- money-making is a dangerous snare, and averice hath often perverted the best minds, who, when out of reach of temptation thought themselves secure from that vice.

Sixthly,--- As you may be allowed to dispose of employments, do not stretch your authority too much to your advantage, for ever give the preference to merit though at your loss. By this method you will gain friends, His Majesty's service will be better promoted and you will have the inward satisfaction of having acted by the rules of generosity, disinterestedness, and with sentiments abhorring a filthy lucre.

Seventhly --- You will, I suppose, have places of worship of different denominations. In general people are very tenacious of their religious principles, when these differences are laid open History will inform us to what lengths opinions and prejudices will carry men. The Consequences are always fatal. If any such arise in your Island these as Governor you may compose by an impartial behaviour, accompanied with gentleness and moderation. If you can compass this great end your Island will be peaceable and every particular member will apply himself to his private affairs and consult the good of the whole ------ Do not suffer party of any kind to take root, prevent them at their first appearance but always with good manners.

Eighthly,--- Apply yourself to agriculture and horticulture. This will employ some hours in each day, take you from idleness, and will occation such reflections as will raise your thoughts and fill your mind with sublime ideas by admiring the works of Providence and must give you an amicable taste to virtue which will every day increase.

I have now laid before you some few leads for your conduct to which you may add your own reflections and enlarge upon them. As to the passions ingrafted in us by our nature or to speak better by Providence and what relates to the education of your children, you are come to the time of life that I should be sorry you should want advice. I most ardently pray God that He may bless you and yours-that He may sow in your minds seeds of morality and virtue, that you may pass the days of your pilgrimage with all those who belong to you in health, happiness and comfort and the consciousness of doing well -------- Amen ---



Arabin, Shirley, ‘No Petty People: The Arabin Family’, Moyglare Pub., 2012.

Crocker, A. G., ‘Gunpowder Mills: Documents of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, Surrey Record Society, 2000, p. 81-82.

Kelleher, B, 1996 The Royal Gunpowder Mills, Ballincollig, County Cork, in Buchanan (ed) 1996, 359-75; Kelleher, G, 1993 Gunpowder to guided missiles: Ireland's war industries (Inniscarra, J F Kelleher).

McLaughlin, Leslie, 'Our Book of Finleys and Their Kinfolk Families'.

Stout, Herald Franklin, 'The Clan Finley, Volume 1' (Eagle Press, 1956).



With manifold thanks to the following for assistance both great and small, yet vital in equal measure.

· Kevin Akers

· Shirley Arabin

· Richard Bomford

· Ally Bunbury

· Dr David Butler

· Emma Coburn, Surrey Archaeological Society

· Petra Coffey

· Finlay Colley

· David Cotter

· Alan & Glenys Crocker

· Alistair Crocker

· Rosaleen Dwyer, Heritage Officer, South Dublin County Council

· Harry Everad

· Alex Findlater

· Roger Finlay

· Kieran Groeger

· James J Hackett.

· David Hasslacher

· Rebecca Hayes

· Christopher and Mary Hone

· Paul Horan

· Danielle Joyce (Archive Assistant, Cheltenham College)

· Laetitia Lefroy

· Major Robin W B Maclean TD (Curator) and (Assistant Curator), The Royal Scots Dragoon Guards Museum, Edinburgh.

· Ralph McGarry

· Brida Mulligan

· Jane Munro, Keeper, Paintings, Drawings and Prints, The Fitzwilliam Museum

· Rev. James Mustard

· Isabella Rose Nolan

· Maria O’Brien

· David Power

· Jessica Rathdonnell

· Charles Richards (The Mendicity Institution)

· Glen Thomas




[i] McNeill, Charles (ed). Calendar of Archbishop Alen's register c. 1172-1534; Prepared and Edited from the Original in the Registry of the United Dioceses of Dublin and Glendalough and Kildare; with an index compiled by Liam Price. Dublin: Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, 1950.

[ii] Ball, Francis Elrington, ‘A History of the County Dublin’ (Alex. Thom & Company Limited, Abbey-St., 1906), p. 117.

[iii] The identity of Ralph Mills remains unknown. There was a Ralph Mills living at Shipton-upon-Mower in Co. Worcester in 1649 – Depositions of witnesses taken at the dwelling house of Ralph Mills in Shipton upon Mower, co. Worcester. 22 March 1649 [1649/50], via ‘Descendants of Gov. Thomas Welles of Connecticut, Volume 1, 2nd Edition, by Barbara Jean Mathews, (Lulu.com, 2013), p. 144.

“A List of the Papist Proprietors names in the County of Dublin, as they are returned in the Civil Survey of the said County,’ transcribed by Michael C. O'Laughlin in ‘County Dublin Ireland, Genealogy and Family History Notes from the Irish Archives: Including Dublin City and County’ (Irish Roots Cafe, 2008), p. H-4.

Also named on this list is Limrick Nottingham of Ballyowen. However, on 1 February 1661, the newly restored King Charles II wrote to the Lords Justices from Whitehall:

“We have granted letters for restoring Sir Henry Talbot, Sir Wm. Dungan, Limrick Nottingham, Henry Rochford, Sir Richard Barnewall and others to the estates of their ancestors. Some of these, being in the cos. Dublin and Kildare, are in the hands of John Blackwell or his assigns. Blackwell shall receive compensation in lands according to our Declaration of November 30, 1659, either in Dublin in compensation for his lands in Dublin or in Kildare, or in the barony or Yromakillie [Imokilly] co. Cork, for his lands in Kildare. P. J. S.P. Dom. Signet Office IV., 228. Quoted in ‘Calendar of the state papers relating to Ireland preserved in the Public Record Office. 1625-[1670], edited by Mahaffy, Robert Pentland (H. M. Stationery Off., by Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1905), p. 204.

[iv] “During the Commonwealth the principal persons connected with the parish were John Foy at Clondalkin, and William Greene at Nangor, and after the Restoration we find besides Sir John Cole at Newlands, Anthony Wynne at Ballymount, John Lyons at Fox-and-Geese, John Harvey at Ballycheevers, and William Trundell at Corkagh.” Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin:: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 118.

[v] See list of Adventurers at https://books.google.ie/books?id=PXWo7Ic0SLIC&pg=PA333&dq=clondalkin+1660&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0CCoQ6AEwAmoVChMIuZj2iMaryAIVhbgaCh3kKAaT#v=onepage&q=Trundle&f=false

[vi] Michael C. O'Laughlin in ‘County Dublin Ireland, Genealogy and Family History Notes from the Irish Archives: Including Dublin City and County’ (Irish Roots Cafe, 2008), p. C-6. John Foy, or Foye, who was closely involved with Clondalkin at this time, is among the names listed.

[vii] Veronica Palmer, Who's Who in Shakespeare's England: Over 700 Concise Biographies of Shakespeare's Contemporaries, (Palgrave Macmillan, 1999), p. 253. There was also a bookseller called John Trundell based in Paris in 1636. A man by name of John Trundle was expelled from the church for non-Conformity in 1607, having previously been a lecturer at Christ Church Newgate. (See ‘The Puritan Lectureships’, p. 29.

“This ancient English surname of TRUNDLE was a locational name meaning 'one who came from TRENDLE' a thithing in the parish of Pitminster, County Somerset. The Norfolk TRUNDLES are descended from the TRENDLE family in that county, found there as early as 1360. The earliest of the name on record appears to be Thomas TRENDYL, who was the vicar of Wilton, County Norfolk in the year 1360, and John TRYNDELL was the rector of Wimbotsham, County Norfolk in 1569. Later instances of the name include Thomas TRENDLE, who was the vicar of Mendham, County Norfolk in 1631, and William TRUNDEL was documented in Hetherset, County Norfolk in 1639. Laurence Allison and Judith TRUNDLE were married at St. George's, Hanover Square, London in the year 1733.”

In a list of “Rectors of the consolidated medieties of Hethersete, and church of Cantelose” it is noted that in 1639, Edward Mitchell ‘had it of the gift of William Gostlin of Norwich and William Trundel, Gent, patrons of the turn.’ Francis Blomefield & Charles Parkin, An essay towards a topographical history of the county of Norfolk (1806), p. 28.

Could he have been connected to the William Trundle, ‘a wealthy farmer [who] died at Rotherhithe in the 100th year of his age’ As the European Magazine put it, ‘it is remarkable he had lived in the same house 82 years and seen a complete change of all the inhabitants in his parish.’ The European Magazine: And London Review, Volume 9, p. 472.

[viii] John D'Alton, The History of the County of Dublin, p. 731.

[ix] "Photostat" copy of a map of severall parcells of land in and near the towne of Clondalkin, Barrony of Uppercross, Co. Dublin. Surveyed by order of Mr Browne by Peter Duffy, May, 1703.

[x] Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin:: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 118.

[xi] Tessa Violet Murdoch, 'The Quiet conquest: the Huguenots 1685-1985’ (Museum of London , 1985), p. 103.

[xii] Another account says the Chaigneau family were originally from St. Sairenne or St Savinien in the Charante. [Elizabeth Caldwell Hirschman, Donald N. Yates, 'Jews and Muslims in British Colonial America: A Genealogical History' (McFarland, 2012), p. 151

[xiii] According to the Rev. Samuel Hayman, ‘The Huguenot settlers in Youghal appear to have established themselves in that town immediately after the accession of the Prince of Orange. The Corporation, now thoroughly Protestant, warmly welcomed the fugitives; and among its records appears an order, dated in 1697, “That Protestant refugees might be enfranchised on payment of sixpence; but that they should not vote for seven years, nor be qualified until then to serve as Church wardens.” As was the case everywhere, the new settlers brought with them industry, intelligence and, in some instances, considerable wealth; and the towns that threw open their franchise to them were largely benefitted by the spirit of enterprise their presence soon created.” Hayman also notes that the Huguenots who settled in Youghal were “mostly military persons”. Rev. Samuel Hayman, The French Settlers in Ireland No 4 - The Settlement at Youghal County Cork, Ulster Journal of Archaeology, Volume 2, p. 223-224.

[xiv] The Huguenots: Their Settlements, Churches, and Industries in England and Ireland, Samuel Smiles (J. Murray, 1867), p. 203.

[xv] Joe Devine (p. 7) records how historian Liam Ua Broin believes Corkagh House ‘once stood within the moat of a castle. The said castle ruins consisted of an arched entrance, part of a battlemented parapet and eight windows.’ (Devine, p. 80).

[xvi] Agnew, David Carnegie, ‘Protestant Exiles from France, Chiefly in the Reign of Louis XIV: Or, The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland’, Volume 2 (A. Turnbull & Spears, 1886), p. 513.

[xvii] Hubert Butler, In The Land of Nod, Dublin 1966, p. 18, provides much detail on the Gowran connection.

[xviii] William Tighe’s Statistical Survey of Kilkenny, quoted in Hubert Butler, In The Land of Nod, Dublin 1966, p. 18.

[xix] Hubert Butler, In The Land of Nod, Dublin 1966, p. 18, provides much detail on the Gowran connection.

[xx] Lewis's brother Stephen, who died in 1705, married Mademoiselle Raboteau, the cousin of a prosperous Dublin-based wine merchant, and had two sons, Peter (whose sons John and Abraham were 'considerable merchants' in Dublin) and Daniel (who left no descendants). Lewis's younger brother Isaac is thought to have been father to the David Chaigneau who was minister of the French Church in Carlow in 1744. More details on these and other branches of the Chaigneau family can be found Grace Lawless Lee, The Huguenot Settlements in Ireland (Heritage Books, 2009), p. 72-73. See also remarks on Colonel William Chaigneau. There is a record from 1745 of a ‘Mariage de Josias Chaigneau et de Marguerite Castaing, veuve de Moïse Garraud.’ In other words, Margeurite was a widow. Inventaire Sommaire - Charente-Inférieure, Archives Départementales, Antérieures A 1790. Rédigé Par M. Meschinet De Richemond, Archiviste, (La Rochelle, 1903), p. 34.

[xxi] David Carnegie Agnew, author of ‘Protestant Exiles from France, Chiefly in the Reign of Louis XIV: Or, The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland’, Volume 2 (A. Turnbull & Spears, 1886), p. 419, claims that Elizabeth, daughter of Colonel Renouward (sic), was the wife of David Chauigneau but Grace Lawless Lee holds firm that David’s wife was Elizabeth Maquarrel. It is notable that a Midshipman David Renouard took part in HMS Pandora’s search for the Bounty mutineers.

[xxii] The will of Lewis Chaigneau, dated 16 July 1723, Reg. of Deeds.

[xxiii] Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 119. Falkiner, who owned property at Terenure, was a son-in-law of Joseph Budden, one of the Commissioners for the sale of forfeited estates, who had also purchased land in the parish of Clondalkin, including Nangor Castle.

[xxiv] Registry of Deeds Index Project - Memorial No: 76327. With huge thanks to Richard Bomford for helping to decipher what this was about. A lease and release deed meant that the land was leased on one day to put Mr. Desbusay in legal occupation of the land for a finite period (usually a year), and then re-leased (leased again) on the following day to put him in possession for ever (usually expressed as a lease for the lives of three named people, but with the lease renewable forever meaning that when each named person died, they could be replaced by another 'life', often on payment of a fee to the original seller). Deeds of lease and release were the closest thing to freehold, and in about 1900 it evolved into freehold in Ireland as we know it today.

[xxv] Usually the earlier deed would be recorded in the Registry too, but not if it predated the Registry. There is no cross reference here, so maybe the earlier deed is not recorded separately in the Registry in this case, just referred to in the current deed.

[xxvi] Based at 33 Dorset Street, Dublin, Charles Meares, "an attorney of great eminence, and for several years pursuivant of his Majesty's Court of Exchequer in Dublin", was father to John Meares (c. 1756 – 1809), a navigator, explorer, and maritime fur trader, best known for his role in the Nootka Crisis, which brought Britain and Spain to the brink of war.

[xxvii] “The Registry of Deeds did not keep the original deed as its two parts were retained by the seller and the purchaser. However, an extract was written into the Registry's legers and was known as the 'memorial' of the deed. It too had to be signed and witnessed as a true record of the original deed. The lawyer who witnessed the original deed also witnessed the memorial … The memorial was made on 26 April, i.e. two days after the deed was executed, which is pretty quick going: sometimes deeds were registered years after they were executed. The had to be registered before they could be relied on legally, so they would sometimes only be registered when the land was next to be sold. In this case, the new owner has wasted no time in getting his ownership registered.” – Richard Bomford.

[xxviii] Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 119.


James Digges LATOUCHE and Elizabeth CHAIGNEAU were married by his Grace ye Archbishop of Dublin on the 7th day of April, 1735.

Thomas HASSARD and Henrietta CHAIGNEAU were married by his Excellency the Lord Primate on ye fourth day of May, 1743 by virtue of a licence from ye Consistorial Court of Dublin directed to me.

Francis WILSON, Vicar of Clondalkin.

(Clondalkin Parish - Extracts from Parish Registers, Copyright 2007, Ireland Genealogy Project Archives, contributed by C.Hunt and Carol Hughes).

[xxix] Michael McGinley, ‘The La Touche Family in Ireland’ (The La Touche Legacy Committee, 2004), p. 49-51.

[xxx] Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (1944), Volume 74, Part 4, p. 217.

[xxxi] Ulster Journal of Archaeology, Volume 2, (Ulster Archaeological Society, 1854), p. 225.

[xxxii] ‘There is a listing of all visible tombstones in St. Mary’s [but] no mention of the Chaigneaus! However the word “visible” is important because there is also a database of burials which lists two of them - David and Elizabeth. In the record of tombs, there is a reference to a couple with an unknown surname - David Ch******* and Elizabeth - the rest is unreadable. The tombstone is located inside the entrance to the Boyle chapel on the South side but inside the Boyle Chapel.Everyone coming in or out has to walk on it so the writing is pretty unreadable.’ Thanks to Kieran Groeger.

[xxxiii] Henry Chaigneau, A Dictionary of Irish Artists, 1913.

[xxxiv] Mary Ann is stated by Hayman and Wagner to have married Mr. Simon Green in Youghal in the year of her father's death, ie 1753, but according to Agnew she became Mrs. Pratt. Perhaps she married twice. See: Agnew, David Carnegie, ‘Protestant Exiles from France, Chiefly in the Reign of Louis XIV: Or, The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland’, Volume 2 (A. Turnbull & Spears, 1886), p. 419.

[xxxv] David Carnegie Andrew Agnew, 'Protestant exiles from France in the reign of Louis XIV; or, the Huguenot refugees & their descendants in Great Britain & Ireland' (Volume 1), p. 37.

[xxxvi] Dictionary of National Biography; Faversham Gunpowder Personnel Register 1573-1840
(Faversham Society's Faversham Papers).

[xxxvii] Crocker, A. G., ‘Gunpowder Mills: Documents of the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries’, Surrey Record Society, 2000, p. 81-82.

[xxxviii] Nicholas’s elder brother Francis Grueber was born in Lyons, probably in December 1658. Between 1691 and 1693 he served as a deacon of the French church in Threadneedle Street; he was an elder between 1705 and 1708 and after 1713. Francis also dabbled in the grain trade at Faversham port. After 1700, Grueber seems to have focused on gunpowder, his mills employing other Huguenot refugees living in Faversham. He would later have mills at Oare and Chilworth also. The Gruebers lived at 8 Preston Street in Faversham. See Dictionary of National Biography; Faversham Gunpowder Personnel Register 1573-1840 (Faversham Papers) plus London Immigrants.

[xxxix] Crocker (2000), p. 81-82.

[xl] Nicholas married Marguerite on 19 May 1703. In 1707 he took a 41-year lease of a house on Ormond Quay. Their youngest son is thought to have been the Rev. Dr. Arthur Grueber D.D., sometime headmaster of the Royal School in Armagh. See Crocker (2000), p. 81-82.

[xli] Christine Casey, ‘Dublin: The City Within the Grand and Royal Canals and the Circular Road with the Phoenix Park’ (Yale University Press, 2005), p. 111.

[xlii] The boy was thirteen year old Francis Greuber whose father and namesake would later be buried alongside him in Faversham. Dictionary of National Biography; Faversham Gunpowder Personnel Register 1573-1840
(Faversham Society's Faversham Papers).

[xliii] The Political State of Great Britain, Volume 14, (London, Sept 1717), p. 267.

[xliv] The Post Man & the Historical Account, Oct 19-22, 1717.

[xlv] In England, Coram and Grueber paid £22 3d for a purpose built cart, with 6d going to the shoemaker ‘for sewing leather over the iron across the cart’ to prevent sparks from the wheel hitting the powder. Gillian Wagner, ‘Thomas Coram, Gent., 1668-1751’ (Boydell & Brewer, 2004), p. 69.

[xlvi] Crocker (2000), p. 81-82.

[xlvii] The Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Volumes 86-87 (1956), p. 47. The Corkagh works probably had edge-runner incorporating mills from the start in 1719 (Crocker & Fairclough 1998, 28-9).

[xlviii] His name is spelled as Nicholas Gruther in The Historical Register, Volume 9, p. 135.

[xlix] ‘There is said to have been up to seven mills operating along the river at its peak.’ (Rynne, C. 2006 Industrial Ireland 1750-1930. Cork. Collins Press, p. 290).However John D’Alton suggests there were actually nine mills in ‘The History of the County of Dublin’, p. 719.. See also ‘Appendix D’, p. 17 - The Archaeological Impact Assessment reports by Valerie J. Keeley Archaeologists.

[l] Guy Miege, ‘The present state of Great Britain and Ireland’(J. Brotherton, 1738), p. 89-90, via

[li] Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 119; Dublin Evening Post, Nov. 24-27, 1733.

[lii] Crocker (2000), p. 81-82.

[liii] Coram’s role may have been providing and managing ships and powder barges to transport the sulphur and saltpetre to Grueber’s mills. Coram’s assistance paid off Greuber’s debts but he died aged 71 in April 1730. After Grueber's death, the business stayed in the family until the Ordnance Board bought it in 1759. See: Gillian Wagner, ‘Thomas Coram, Gent., 1668-1751’ (Boydell & Brewer, 2004), p. 69; K. R. Fairclough called 'Thomas Coram: his brief career as a gunpowder producer' from Vol. 86 (1999) Surrey Archaeological Collections, p. 53-72; Dictionary of National Biography; Faversham Gunpowder Personnel Register 1573-1840. (Faversham Society's Faversham Papers).

[liv] David C. A. Agnew, 'Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV: Or, The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland’ (private circulation, 1866), p. 360.

[lv] Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 29, Issue 1, p. 68. See also Boubers family tree.

[lvi] Agnew, Volume 1, p. 37.

[lvii] ‘Philippe de Chenevix, ministre de Limay, proche Mantes, dont un fils était garde du roi d'Angleterre, et dont une fille était dans la tour de Londres avec la duchesse de Montmouth. Un autre de ses enfants restait à Paris chez son cousin Monginot.’ "La révocation de l'Édit de Nantes a Paris d'après des documents inédits".

[lviii] Ruth Clark, ‘Sir William Trumbull in Paris', Cambridge University Press, 1938, p. 96.

[lix] Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 29, Issue 1, p. 68; New General Index To The Proceedings & Quarto Series of the Huguenot Society of Great Britain & Ireland 1885–2007. Edited by Dorothy North The Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland London 2011.

[lx] Charles Dalton, English Army Lists and Commission Registers, 1661-1714 (Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1896), Volume 3, p. 19, states that he was a Brigadier and eldest lieutenant in troop commanded by Lord Lumley.

[lxi] Allegations for Marriage Licences Issued by the Vicar-general of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Volume 31, Harleian Society, 1890, p. 273.

[lxii] The Manuscripts of the House of Lords, H.M. Stationery Office, 1697.

[lxiii] Also spelled as ‘Windham’s Horse’, the regiment later became the 6th Dragoon Guards, before evolving into the 3rd Carabiniers (Prince of Wales's Dragoon Guards). Journals of the House of Commons, Volume 13, p. 440.

[lxiv] Born in 1649, Wyndham was the second son of Colonel Francis Wyndham and Anne Gerard. He distinguished himself at the Boyne, and at the siege of Limerick. He died a bachelor in 1706, at Valencia in Spain, possibly from wounds.

[lxv] Stephen Wood, 'Those Terrible Grey Horses: An Illustrated History of the Royal Scots Dragoon Guards' (Osprey Publishing, 2015) p.20.

[lxvi] Ibid., p. 21,

[lxvii] David Carnegie Andrew Agnew, 'Protestant Exiles from France in the Reign of Louis XIV: Or, The Huguenot Refugees and Their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland' (Volume 3).

[lxviii] Saul David, ‘All The King's Men: The British Soldier from the Restoration to Waterloo’ (Penguin UK, 2012).

[lxix] Charles Dalton, ‘The Blenheim Roll, 1704’ (Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1899). In 1704, “A Petition of Susannah Chenevix and Mary Paine on behalf of themselves and many other Widows of Officers who were killed in the late Engagements at Donazcert and Hockstet was presented to the House [of Commons] and read, setting forth that the Petitioners Husbands, having received from the Government several Debentures for their Pay, charged the Petitioners not to part with them, till they were made as good as Money, which they soon expected, the Parliament having enacted to make them good the next Session after the 24th of June 1703; That their Husbands supported their Families by Returns from Holland, and they still have the Debentures, but cannot any longer subsist, without disposing of them, which are now at a very great Discount: And praying the House to make Provision for Payment of the Principal and Interest due on the said Debentures. Ordered: That the Consideration of the said Petition be referred to the Committee of the whole House who are to consider further of the Supply granted to her Majesty.

The figure is also given by Stephen Wood on page 21.

[lxx] Samuel Shellabarger, ‘Lord Chesterfield and His World’, Biblo & Tannen Publishers, 1951, p. 122.

[lxxi] Another example of the Bishop stepping in to save money came in Chesterfield's letters of Nov 21 1769 “The Archbishop of Cashel tells me that by your indefatigable endeavours you have recovered near twenty thousand pounds for the several defrauded charities.’(Melesina Chenevix St. George Trench, ‘The Remains of the Late Mrs. Richard Trench’, (Parker, Son, and Bourn, 1862), p. 9.

[lxxii] See Appendix 1. Melesina Chenevix St. George Trench, ‘The Remains of the Late Mrs. Richard Trench’, (Parker, Son, and Bourn, 1862).

[lxxiii] The concept that Paul Daniel Chenevix was a brother is pitched in the Yale edition of Horace Walpole's correspondence, Volumes 13-14 (Yale University Press, 1948), p. 103.

[lxxv] Cathy Hartley, A Historical Dictionary of British Women, (Routledge, 2013), p. 97.

[lxxvi] A List of the Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns of His Majesty's Forces on the British Establishment (T. Cox, 1740), p. 64.

[lxxvii] Stephen Wood, ‘Those Terrible Grey Horses: An Illustrated History of the Royal Scots’.

[lxxviii] A List of the Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns of His Majesty's Forces on the British Establishment (T. Cox, 1740), p. 64.

[lxxix] Registry of Deeds Index, Memorial No: 76327.

[lxxx] Miscellaneous Works of the Late Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield’ (E. and C. Dilly, 1779), p. 354.

[lxxxi] Stephen Wood, ‘Those Terrible Grey Horses: An Illustrated History of the Royal Scots’.

[lxxxii] Pue’s Occurrences, 20-23 November 1756.

[lxxxiii] Owen Weekly Chronicle Or Universal Journal, 5 August, 1758.

[lxxxiv] Dejean died in Dublin on 29th September 1764.

[lxxxv] The Gentleman’s Magazine, Vol. 28, p. 611. Details of his will in £2,000 Mortgage Passed to Elizabeth Chenevix 13th October 1756 via Bomford.

[lxxxvi] 'Miscellaneous Works of the Late Philip Dormer Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield’ (E. and C. Dilly, 1779), p. 354.

[lxxxvii] Stephen Wood, ‘Those Terrible Grey Horses: An Illustrated History of the Royal Scots’.

[lxxxviii] Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, Volume 29, Issue 1, p. 68.

[lxxxix] Treasury Warrants: August 1717, 11-12, p 507-544, Calendar of Treasury Books, Volume 31, 1717. Originally published by Her Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1960. See also Cambon’s Regiment.

[xc] See his will at http://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/D631910

[xci] See Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 1941, p. 420.

[xcii] Walker's Hibernian Magazine, Or, Compendium of Entertaining Knowledge, Volume 2 (1772), p. 624.

[xciii] Registers of the French Conformed Churches of St. Patrick and St. Mary, Dublin, Huguenot Society of London, 1893, p. 55.

[xciv] 'The quarters of the army in Ireland in 1749, To which is added, An exact list of the general and field officers, as they take rank in his majesty's army' (1752).

[xcv] The Gentleman's and London Magazine: Or Monthly Chronologer, 1751. Lord Sackville’s Dragoons served at the battle of Minden in 1759 and defeated Household troops led by Prince Xavier of Saxony, brother of the French Queen. See p. 210.

[xcvi] Lepper and Crossle’s records of the Grand Lodge Officers in Dublin suggest he was actually appointed a captain in the 14th Light Dragoons where Louis Dejean was commander but I am pretty sure he would have been a Carabinier until his transfer to the new Royal Irish Artillery.

[xcvii] The marriage was recorded by Pue’s Occurrences on 16 October 1756.

6.10.1 £2,000 Mortgage Passed to Elizabeth Chenevix 13th October 1756 @ ‘Thomas’ Mortgage Problems 1740 – 1760’ via Bomford.

[xcviii] In 1760, after nearly five decades in Ireland, the Carabiniers were sent to bolster the British cavalry’s strength in Germany. The regiment served at the battle of Warburg in July 1760, wintered in Paderborn and spent much of 1761 skirmishing with the French in the Rhineland and Westphalia. They returned to Ireland in 1763. See: Stephen Wood, ‘Those Terrible Grey Horses: An Illustrated History of the Royal Scots’.

[xcix] The Gentleman's Magazine, Volume 28.

[c] CHENEVIX – FARNHAM PAPERS (National Library of Ireland, Collection List No. 95),

MS 41,114 /17: Lease for one year from Philip Chenevix to John Carmichael of the lands of Carn, Druminiskill, Drumcanon, Mullaghmullen, Killygowan and Laheen in the barony of Tullyhunco. 1758 May 19. 1 membrane.

Assignment of mortgage from Philip Chenevix to John Carmichael secured by the lands of Carn, Druminiskill, Drumcanon, Mullaghmullen, Killygowan and Laheen in the barony of Tullyhunco, in consideration of the sum of £1,966. 1758 May 20. 11⁄2 membranes.

[ci] Upton Collection held by the Royal Irish Academy and catalogued by Martin Fagan in April 2012. RIA/Upton Papers/1 – 29. Special List/ Liosta Speisialta: A 0081.

[cii] London magazine, or Gentleman's monthly intelligencer, Volume 29, p. 164.

[ciii] ‘Any person or persons concerned in said riot and murder who within the space of three months from the date hereof, shall discover any person or persons of said regiment concerned in the above offence, and prosecute him or them to conviction, shall receive twenty guinea reward, except Lieutenant Robert Parks and Robert Dillon Mattrois. Kildare House, Jan 6th, 1762.’ Dublin Courier, 12 March 1762.

[civ] John Heron Lepper and Philip Crossle, History of the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of Ireland, vol. I (Dublin: Lodge of Research, 1925), p. 211.

[cv] The report erroneously refers to him as Col. David Chenevix. See: Journal of the Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, Volume 13, January 1768 - December 1775. Originally published by His Majesty's Stationery Office, London, 1937, p. 437.

[cvi] The London Magazine, Or, Gentleman's Monthly Intelligencer, Volume 48.

[cvii] John Heron Lepper and Philip Crossle, History of the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of Ireland, vol. I (Dublin: Lodge of Research, 1925), p. 211.

[cviii] The Scots Magazine, Volume 38, April 1776.

[cix] Saunders Newsletter, Monday 29 April 1776.

[cx] Saunders Newsletter, 26 April 1787.

[cxi] A number of people with the Pineau surname appear in and around Dublin in the 18th and 19th centuries. Daniel Pineau was a Goldsmith. Another Daniel, perhaps a relation, was the Registrar of his Majesty’s High Court of Admiralty. Paul Pineau was a watchmaker and Peter Pineau was a solicitor. However, their connection may be no more than the fact they shared the same surname and live in Dublin.

[cxii] Jacques René de Brisay (1637-1710), Marquis de Denonville, was a devout Catholic who served as Louis XIV’s viceroy of New France (ie: French Canada) from 1685 to 1689. His governorship is remembered for the brutality with which the French suppressed rebellions the Iroquois Confederacy, not least when he organized the capture of fifty Iroquois chiefs in the midst of a parlay whom he subsequently had shipped in chains to Marseilles, France, to be used as galley slaves. The Iroquois responded with an equally violent campaign of slaughter against New France’s fledgling settler community. His successor as governor wisely returned thirteen of the surviving Iroquois chiefs and returned them to their homeland.

[cxiii] Two of the sponsors at Théophilus’s baptism were Monsieur Thomas Vergier Sieur de Robesmier and Madame Madeleine de Barrière de Boisrond, wife of René de Saint Légier de Boisrond.

[cxiv] Recollections of John O'Keefe, 1826.

[cxv] His name is erroneously spelled as ‘Theophilas Desbusay’ in the online version of the deed of 1743.

[cxvi] BUNBURY to DESBRISAY, 22 July 1743: Lease btw Thomas BUNBURY of City of Dublin Esq eldest son and heir of Thomas BUNBURY late of same City dec’d Rose BUNBURY otherwise JACKSON mother of said Thomas & widow & relict of Thomas BUNBURY dec’s Henry BUNBURY of Johnstown in Co. Carlow Esq. & Edward FOLEY of City of Dublin Gent. Of 1 pt & Thephilus DEBRISAY of said City of other part... lease & release in consid of 608 pounds...to DEBRISAY town and lands of Moygany otherwise Morgany otherwise Moygna cont. By est 140 acres in Barony of Kilkea and Moone in Co. Kildare... in presence of William BUNBURY of Lisnevagh in Co Carlow Esq. & Charles MEARES of Dublin Gent … (Jackson Memorials and Deeds Mentioning Dublin, Book 110, pg. 363, * 77934.

[cxvii] List of General and Field Officers as They Rank in the Army 1754.

[cxviii] Mosley, Charles, editor. Burke's Peerage, Baronetage & Knightage, 107th edition, Wilmington, Delaware, U.S.A., 3 volumes: Burke's Peerage (Genealogical Books) Ltd, 2003, volume 1, page 414.

[cxix] Simeon Boileau was a son of Charles de Boileau, Seigneur de Castelnau and Mary Magdalen Collot d'Escury

[cxx] Bill Number 2534 (1767).

[cxxi] His death is recorded in the Londonderry Journal, Wed. July 15, 1772.

[cxxii] The particulars of the Dublin Journal advertisement in 1749 and 1750 noted that ‘the Mansion House’ plus seventeen acres of gardens and meadows were leased to ‘the Hon. Major Gen. Henry De Grangues’ for £64 a year. [Dublin Journal - Contributed by Mary Heaphy]

[cxxiii] Anne de Grangues, widow of Henry Daniell de Grangues, died in 1723. See: ‘Huguenot Archives: A Further Catalogue of Material Held in the Huguenot Library - Margaret Harcourt Williams, p. 28.

[cxxiv] The De Grangues pedigree is laid out by Henry Wagner in ‘Annuaire de la noblesse de France et des maisons souveraines’, Vo. 20, at but it is difficult to determine how these names connect to Samuel Daniell or General de Grangues. See also Philip & Mabilia Daniell, ‘Biographical history of the family of Daniell or De Anyers of Cheshire, 1066-1876, comprehending the houses of Daresbury, De Bradley, and De Tabley’ (1876), p. 35.

[cxxv] He is named as John Henry “de Grangne” in the Huguenot Society of London’s Quarto series (1911), Volume 18, p.307.

[cxxvi] Huguenot Archives: A Further Catalogue of Material Held in the Huguenot Library, Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2008, p. 28.

[cxxvii] Matthew Glozier, author of ‘Marshal Schomberg 1615-1690, "the Ablest Soldier of His Age"’ (Sussex Academic Press, 2005), he refers to three of the Duke’s aides-de-camp, namely Henri Foubert, Isaac Monceau de Meloniere and the Duke’s own grandson Charles de Sibourg (the natural son of Charles von Schomberg who succeeded as 2nd Duke). The suggestion that Henry De Grangues’ was the Duke’s ADC was printed in John Marshall’s ‘Royal Naval Biography’ (Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1831), p. 69. Henry Daniel de Grangues, marquis de Martragny, served under the Duke of Schomberg at one point. Adding to the confusion, it is sometimes said that the Duke’s ADC at the Boyne was John Arabin. Whoever the ADC was, he did not do very well because the elderly Duke was killed in the battle.

[cxxviii] See Henry Wagner’s de Grangues pedigree as laid out in ‘Annuaire de la noblesse de France et des maisons souveraines’, Vo. 20. The link may to to Samuel Daniell or General de Grangues may be through Guillaume Daniel and his wife Jane Randall, of Salisbury, England. Their second son Henri Daniel lived a while in England but returned to settle at Caen in Normandy in 1635, acquiring the fiefs of Gresons, Moult, and Grangues. To avoid a new tax imposed on non-citizens in 1640, he obtained his rights of naturalization in 1646. It appears one of his sons or grandsons became marquis de Martragny. See also Philip & Mabilia Daniell, ‘Biographical history of the family of Daniell or De Anyers of Cheshire, 1066-1876, comprehending the houses of Daresbury, De Bradley, and De Tabley’ (1876), p. 35.

[cxxix] The Manuscripts of the House of Lords , H.M. Stationery Office, p. 88, p. 90.

[cxxx] Calendar of Treasury Papers, Longmans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1974, p. 287.

[cxxxi] Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research, Volume 24 (Society for Army Historical Research., 1946),p. 49.

[cxxxii] William A Shaw, ed. (1901). "Treasury Books and Papers: February 1741". V. pp. 441–448. His commission, dated 21 January 1741, was followed by a Royal Warrant of 2 February permitting him to raise a regiment of foot of ten companies. The colonelcy of the 60th Foot, which was transferred to the Irish Establishment remained vacant until 1743 when Sir John Bruce Hope, 7th Baronet was appointed. The regiment was disbanded in 1748.

[cxxxiii] In October 1742 he took command of the 30th (Cambridgeshire) Regiment of Foot, but on 1 April 1743 he took command of the 9th Dragoons.

[cxxxiv] Reynard, Frank H. (1904). Ninth (Queen's Royal) Lancers 1715–1903. William Blackwood, p. 1. In 1717, the 9th Dragoons embarked for Ballinrobe, in Ireland, and were placed on the Irish establishment

[cxxxv] The Monthly Review (Hurst, Robinson, 1842), p. 77.

[cxxxvi] On 1 November 1749 he obtained the colonelcy of the 4th Irish Horse (later 7th Dragoon Guards), from Morduant, which he retained until his decease in June 1754. The London Magazine, Or, Gentleman's Monthly Intelligencer, 1749, Volume 18, p. 529, by Isaac Kimber, Edward Kimber.

[cxxxvii] Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London - Volume 14 (1933), p. 230.

[cxxxviii] Huguenot Archives: A Further Catalogue of Material Held in the Huguenot Library (Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2008), p. 29.

[cxxxix] Notes and Queries, 12th Series Volume II. London. 1916. pp. 152, 313; Carter, Thomas (1871). Curiosities of war and military studies: anecdotal, descriptive, and statistical. London: Groombridge & Sons. pp. 129–130. In its acknowledgment of his passing in 1754, the Scots Magazine (1754), Volume 1, noted that he was colonel of a regiment of horse and a Major General on the Irish establishment.

[cxl] Letter from Thomas Waites to Lord George Sackville, 22 June 1754, Report on the Manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, of Drayton House, Northhamptonshire (Ardent Media,1904), p. 214.

[cxli] Letter from Thomas Waites to Lord George Sackville, 25 June 1754, Report on the Manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, of Drayton House, Northhamptonshire (Ardent Media,1904), p. 215.

[cxlii] Letter from to Col. John Arabin to Lord George Sackville, 25 June 1754, Report on the Manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, of Drayton House, Northhamptonshire (Ardent Media,1904), p. 215. General de Grangues will of 12 August 1754 is held by the National Archives in the UK.

[cxliii] Letter from to Col. Philip Chenevix to Lord George Sackville, 25 June 1754, Report on the Manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, of Drayton House, (Ardent Media, 1904), p. 215.

[cxliv] The quarters of the army in Ireland in 1749.

[cxlv] Letter from to Major Pepys to Lord George Sackville, 1 August 1754, Report on the Manuscripts of Mrs. Stopford-Sackville, of Drayton House, Northhamptonshire (Ardent Media,1904), p. 221.

[cxlvi] Burke's Landed Gentry of Ireland (1904), 81, and Maurice Craig, 'The account book of William Caldbeck, architect' in Design and Practice in British Architecture: Studies in architectural history presented to Howard Colvin, Architectural History 27 (1984), 421.

[cxlvii] William Caldbeck worked for Trinity College from 1686; the last payment to him while he was still alive was made on 3 January 1718. He had died by 1722 when his executors were paid £141.2s.10d. for his work on the last part of the long wall in Patrick's Well Lane. The following year 'Caldbeck & Quinn' - Thomas and Joseph Caldbeck and Francis Quinn - were paid for brick and stonework on the new library. References: The Dictionary of Irish Architects, Irish Architectural Archive. All information in this entry is from TCD muniments, MUN P/2/2, 3, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 16, 18-20, 22-7, 30, 32, 33, 36, 47, 48.

[cxlviii] As well as his lands at Moyle Park, Caldbeck appears to have owned Larch Hill, Whitechurch, Co. Dublin, and further lands at Kilmashogue and Thomas Street.

[cxlix] The Hibernian Magazine, Or, Compendium of Entertaining Knowledge, James Potts, May 1782, p. 280.

[cl] In June 1783 Caldbeck united with the other leading members of the south Dublin community to offer substantial rewards for anyone willing to come forward and testify about illicit activity in the area.

[cli] “Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 119-120.

[clii] The foundation stone bore on one side the following texts : -" Thus, saith the Lord, ye were now turned, and had done right in my sight, in proclaiming liberty every man to his neighbours." — Jer. 34. " Again shall be heard in this place the voice of joy and the voice of gladness ; Behold the day is come when I will perform the good thing which I have promised." — Jer. 33. " This land that was desolate is become like the garden of Eden, and the waste and ruined cities are become fenced and inhabited by men." — Ezekiel 36. On the opposite side were the words, "This first stone of the first volunteer powder mills in Ireland is now laid by the Right Honourable James, Earl of Charlemont, this 28th day of May, 1782." Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 120.

[cliii] Yelverton, who built Fortfield House, Terenure, a few years later, became Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer in 1783.

[cliv] The Hibernian Magazine, Or, Compendium of Entertaining Knowledge, James Potts, May 1782, p. 280.

[clv] Ibid, p. 280.

[clvi] Dublin Journal, 4 December 1784. “Gunpowder of the First Quality made by William Caldbeck, Esq, at his Mills near Clondalkin. Now selling on the lowest Terms, for Ready Money, by Francis W Warren, Linen Draper, No. 92, Grafton Street, Dublin.’

[clvii] John D'Alton, The History of the County of Dublin, p. 719. Lennox Barrow, in ‘The Round Towers of Ireland: A Study and Gazetteer’ (Academy Press, 1979), p. 82, thought the collapse of the church as claimed by Beranger was ‘unlikely’ but I am not so sure.

[clviii] Ball, F Elrington, "A History of the County Dublin: The People, Parishes and Antiquities from the Earliest Times to the Close of the 18th Century, p. 119-120. As the Freeman’s Journal observed: ‘The wind being at N.N.W. when the above incident happened, all the damage that was done was between Clondalkin and the city.’

[clix] From notes taken by the Rev. C. T. McCready, Clondalkin Parish - Extracts from Parish Registers. Copyright 2007, Ireland Genealogy Project Archives, contributed by C. Hunt and Carol Hughes.

[clx] He was elected a member of the Dublin Society on 28 April 1791, his proposers being Thomas Braughall and Christmas Weekes. The Dublin Society awarded him a £40 premium for planting 10 acres under timber, 3 July 1800. He was appointed a member of the fine arts committee on 24 July 1800.

[clxii] E. McParland, James Gandon (1985), 165,204. Bryan Bolger also records his ordering work on some stables near Aungier Street in 1798. [NA/PRO Bolger MSS. 1A/58/128.

[clxiii] “The clean, fresh water of the Camac was ideal for paper making and the mill thrived. It changed hands many times over the years and in 1913 it was bought by the Becker Company who owned paper mills all over the world. Business boomed during the First World War as all British mills had switched to war production. However, after the war, the market went downhill and the mill closed in 1922. In 1936, however, it re-opened under the name 'Condalkin Paper Mill'. Business was good until general economic circumstances lead to its final closure in 1987.”

[clxiv] Saunders Newsletter, Monday 29 April 1776.

[clxv] Much of this detail was obtained from the Upton Collection held by the Royal Irish Academy and catalogued by Martin Fagan in April 2012. RIA/Upton Papers/1 – 29. Special List/ Liosta Speisialta: A 0081. See also the Bomford notes.

[clxvi] Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London - Volume 14 (1933), p. 230.

[clxvii] p. 269 of "Letters of Denization and Acts of Naturalization for Aliens in England and Ireland", Vol. XVIII, edited by William A, Shaw, Litt.D., Lymington: Printed For The Huguenot Society of London by Chas. T. King, 1911. ‘Arabine took the oaths Mar. 4. C. J. XII.,547.’ He is mentioned several times in the pages of that time, in connection to military men.

Michel Heymès, L’Église réformée de Riez (1550-1700), Annales de Haute-Provence, Bulletin de la société scientifique et littéraire des Alpes de Haute-Provence, Tome LII, n° 295, 1er semestre 1983, pages 73 à 119.

[clxviii] "Dublin and Portarlington Veterans: King William III's Huguenot Army", T.P. Le Fanu & W.H. Manchee. Publications of the Huguenot Society of London, XLII (1946): 1-72.

[clxix] Dalton's English Army Lists Commission Registers, 1661-1714 (6 vols., 1902-1904).

[clxx] The Calendar of State Papers for the Reign of William and Mary, 1-31 December 1693.

[clxxi] 1/5/1699 to pension as Capt. (Bart. d'Arabin) [WO 25/3148]

[clxxii] Huguenots in Ireland.

[clxxiii] 1536-1810 Index Prerogative Wills of Ireland by Sir Arthur Vicars. Contributed by Vynette Sage.

[clxxiv] History of the Grand Lodge of Ireland - Vol. I, p. 161.

[clxxv] Officiers huguenots français installés à Dublin - Liste tirée de "Huguenots Veterans in Dublin " par T.P. Le Fanu dans Antiquaries of Ireland (numéro 72 pages 64-70), relevée par Marcel Macaire. Il s'agit des officiers français de l'armée anglaise qui s'installèrent à Dublin après la guerre autour de 1700.

[clxxvi] Barthélémy Arabin’s daughter Elizabeth was born on 28 June 1712 and baptised two weeks later. Colonel Jacques d’Aubussargues, who had served in the Galway Horse with Barthélémy, and Elizabeth Darasus stood as godparents.

[clxxvii] 1702 pension list, No. 52, two commissions as Cornet & Capt., pension 4/-, service for 10 years in Ireland & Flanders, fortune £500 and wife's substance, supporting wife and child, able to serve, disbanded 3/1698-9.

[clxxviii] "Dublin and Portarlington Veterans: King William III's Huguenot Army", T.P. Le Fanu & W.H. Manchee. Publications of the Huguenot Society of London, XLII (1946): 1-72.

[clxxix] Will of Bartholomew Arabin of Dublin, County Dublin. 12 March 1713. PROB 11/532/151. Held by: The National Archives, Kew.

[clxxx] ‘History of the Fifty-seventh (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot 1755-1881’ (R. Bentley and Son, 1893) p. 364.

[clxxxi] Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2008, p. 68-70. ‘In 1700 at S. Patrick's, Dublin, on 15 June, were m. Louis Bertin and Marie Perronet. And in 1794 adm'on was granted P.C.C. of the goods of Marie Perronet, late of Bloomsbury Square …’ (The Genealogist, Volume 13, Walford Dakin Selby, George Bell & Sons, 1897, p. 45).

[clxxxii] In 2010 Mealy’s offered up a lot which they described as: ‘Arabin (John) Solicitor, Dublin c. 1726 - 33. A very interesting letter book containing manuscript copies of his letters to a wide range of clients and contacts, c. 1726 - 33, 146 numbered pages, with index at front; and with a list at rear of letters not copies into this letter book.A lot of the letters are in French, which Arabin evidently spoke fluently; it appears he married a French lady name Marie or Mary Bertin. Includes a letter to his Uncle Mons. Le Brigadier de Blanzac at La Haye (21.12.1728), to Mr. Charles de Scilly (24.6.1729), Capt. Rich. Shurburgh near Coventry (23 Sept. 1729), Mr. Paul de St. Julien, South Carolina (24.11.1729), Mr. Paul de St. Julien, south Carolina (24.11.1729), etc., etc. An unusually cosmopolitan compilation Hugenot in Portarlington. Very neatly copied in a cont. folio volume bound in green vellum. As a m/ss, w.a.f. Of immense interest.

[clxxxiii] ‘History of the Fifty-seventh (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot 1755-1881’ (R. Bentley and Son, 1893) p. 364.

[clxxxiv] A List of the Colonels, Lieutenant Colonels, Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, and Ensigns of His Majesty's Forces on the British Establishment (T. Cox, 1740), p. 64.

[clxxxv] John Heron Lepper and Philip Crossle, History of the Grand Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons of Ireland, vol. I (Dublin: Lodge of Research, 1925), p. 211. See also: Ric Berman, Schism: The Battle That Forged Freemasonry, p. 37, p. 179.

[clxxxvi] Elizabeth married her first cousin Lt.-Gen. Jean Adlercron Trapaud, son of Jean Trapaud and her aunt Aimee de St. Julien. Their children were Elizabeth Adlercron, William Hargrave Adlercron and the barrister John Ladaveze Adlercron (1738-1782) of Moyglare House. In 1766 Elizabeth Adlercron married Rt. Hon. Sir Capel Molyneux, 3rd Bt., M.P. for the University of Dublin, son of Sir Thomas Molyneux, 1st Bt. of Castle Dillon, co. Armagh, and Catherine Howard. Their children included Lt.-Gen. Sir Thomas Molyneux, 5th Bt. (1766-1841) and John Molyneux (1769-1832).

[clxxxvii] The Scots Magazine, Volume 4, p. 439.

[clxxxviii] ‘History of the Fifty-seventh (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot 1755-1881’ (R. Bentley and Son, 1893) p. 364.

[clxxxix] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 33-34.

[cxc] John Arabin succeeded as lieutenant-colonel from the late Daniel Paul. The Scots Magazine, Volume 11, p. 207. Deeds from 1749 indicate that this was also the year in which he leased 66 acres of the Moyvoughley estate to Samuel and Joshua Strangeman, while 1750 saw the lease of a further 750 acres to the Mason, Medcalf, Daly and Strangeman families.

[cxci] Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society, Volumes 96-99, 1979, p. 60-61.

[cxcii] ‘History of the Fifty-seventh (West Middlesex) Regiment of Foot 1755-1881’ (R. Bentley and Son, 1893) p. 18. John Arabin’s death recorded in many journals of the time, such as The Gentleman's and London Magazine and also here. See also "1536-1810 Index Prerogative Wills of Ireland" by Sir Arthur Vicars, contributed by Vynette Sage.

[cxciii] History of the Grand Lodge of Ireland - Vol. I, p. 161.

[cxciv] Her death was announced St James Chronicle 1.2.1780 / 1781 of Moulsey, Surrey. See also 'Index Prerogative Wills of Ireland' by Sir Arthur Vicars. Contributed by Vynette Sage.

[cxcv] The General Index as to Twenty-seven Volumes of the London ..., Volume 19, p. 429.

[cxcvi] History of the Grand Lodge of Ireland - Vol. I, p. 161. Huguenot Archives: A Further Catalogue of Material Held in the Huguenot Library, Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2008, p. 28.

[cxcvii] Under the terms of the marriage settlement, Judith somehow inherited a £2000 mortgage from Thomas Bomford of Clownstown, County Meath. The lands were in Meath (at Clonfad and Rattin, Baconstown and Rahinstown) and Westmeath (Inniscoffy and Oldtown). This connects to an estate of nearly 2000 acres that belonged to the Bomford family in Counties Meath and Westmeath. See ‘6.10 £2,000 Mortgage of Jacob Pechell 1750 – 1765 via Bomford.

[cxcviii] This marriage was relevant to the Bomford lands in Meath and Westmeath. The Arabin family also had land at Kilmacud in Dublin

[cxcix] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 41.

[cc] Saunders Newsletter, 9 March 1802. See also ‘1536-1810: Index Prerogative Wills of Ireland’ by Sir Arthur Vicars, contributed by Vynette Sage.

[cci] General William John Arabin. The 23d of January, 1767, this officer was appointed to a Cornetcy in the 10th regiment of dragoons; the 25th of October, 1770, to a Lieutenancy; and the 23d of January, 1778, to a company in the 2d troop of horse guards: in which regiment he succeeded to a Majority the 23d of May, 1782. The 25th of January, 1788, he was appointed Supernumerary Lieutenant Colonel in the 2d regiment of life guards; the 26th of February, 1795, he received the rank of Colonel in the army; the 1st of January, 1798, that of Major General; the 1st of January, 1805, that of Lieutenant General; and that of General the 4th of June, 1814. This officer served with the Imperial army in Brabant; and he since received an injury in his foot whilst on duty. The Royal Military Calendar, Or Army Service and Commission Book, Volume 2, edited by John Philippart, p. 11.

[ccii] The Trial of Mrs Arabin. See also here.

[cciii] See John Venn, ‘Alumni Cantabrigienses: A Biographical List of All Known Students’, Volume 2, p. 65.

[cciv] Pue's Occurrences, Tues 4 July 1758. This concerned the proposed sale of various mortgaged properties, including 848 acres of profitable land in the King’s County and (‘at Ballycommon, Ballymasemurtagh, Ballyteige otherwise Ballyteign and Cloniwickvane’), as well as ‘the Towns and Lands of Rahehn and Clonfortin the County of Kildare’. For reasons as yet unclear, the Bomford lands in Meath and Westmeath that Henry’s mother Judith acquired upon her marriage in 1750 appear to have been handed on to the Sibthorpe family in 1764. See Bomford.

[ccv] Pue’s Occurrences, 29 July 1766.

[ccvi] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 44.

[ccvii] The Ballindalloch connection is given by John Marshall in ‘Royal Naval Biography’ (Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1831).

[ccviii] Thanks to Shirely Arabin – see here.

[ccix] Máire Kennedy, French books in eighteenth-century Ireland (Voltaire Foundation, 2001) , p. 61.

[ccx] The 57th Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, Ireland, Parts 1929-1930 (Stationery Office, 1936), p. 176.

[ccxi] Septimus Arabin’s story is told in detail in John Marshall, Royal Naval Biography (Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, and Brown, 1831). Henry have been sending gunpowder to the navy via his brothers? Septimus married a daughter of the late Sir George Berriman Rumbold, Bart, formerly British Consul General at Hamburgh, whose widow was afterwards united to Sir W Sidney Smith. Septimus died at Paris in May 1826.

[ccxii] A branch of the Arabin family were still at Moyvoughly in the Parish of Ballymore in 1838 when ‘C. Arabin’ was living there.

[ccxiii] Weston St. John Joyce, ‘"The neighborhood of Dublin: its topography, antiquities and historical associations’, (M. H. Gill & Son, 1921), p. 221.

[ccxiv] John Daniell Arabin (1755-1838) became a lieutenant-general in the Royal Irish Artillery in 1814. His will is held by the National Archives in London.

[ccxv] The Charter of the Royal Canal Company, to which is prefixed a list of the subscribers. (Dublin, 1789).

[ccxvi] Peninsular Prepartion the Reform of the British Army, p. 64.

[ccxvii] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 48.

[ccxviii] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 48.

[ccxix] See here.

[ccxx] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 49.

[ccxxi] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 44.

[ccxxii] Sir Thomas Tobin renovated and expanded the Ballincolling mills, employing some 500 people in 1856. The factory supplied the market in Ireland and also had a large business in export powder for Africa, which was shipped from Liverpool. From: ‘Rise and progress of the British explosives industry’, edited by E A B Hodgetts (Whittaker, 1909), p. 363-4.

[ccxxiii] Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland (1944), Volume 74, Part 4, p. 206.

[ccxxiv] John D'Alton, The History of the County of Dublin, p. 719.

[ccxxv] CSO/RP/SC/1821/77 - Letter from Henry Arabin, Dublin, concerning fears for fate of his gunpowder manufactory . Also draft copy of letter of reply from Gregory to Arabin, January 1822.

[ccxxvi] Shirley Arabin, ‘No Petty People – The Arabin Family’ (Moyglare Publishing, 2012), p. 50.

[ccxxvii] Kelleher, B, 1996 The Royal Gunpowder Mills, Ballincollig, County Cork, in Buchanan (ed) 1996, 359-75; Kelleher, G, 1993 Gunpowder to guided missiles: Ireland's war industries (Inniscarra, J F Kelleher).

[ccxxviii] See here.

[ccxxix] Dublin Weekly Register, 26 January 1850, p. 1.

[ccxxx] Dublin Evening Mail, 1 March 1850, p. 4.

[ccxxxi] Lyons, Mary C. ''Illustrated Incumbered Estates, Ireland, 1850-1905.'' Whitegate, county Clare: Ballinakella Press, 1993.